Kumyks: characteristics, main occupations. History and culture of Abkhazia Circassians Kumyks where they live

General information. Kumyks are one of the indigenous peoples of the Republic of Dagestan. Self-name - kumuk; From this ethnonym comes Russian and Nogai Kumyk, Chechen - Gumki; among the mountain peoples of Dagestan, the exo-ethnonym Kumyks is conveyed by the words “inhabitants of river valleys, plains”: in Avar - larag1al, in Dargin - dirkalanti, in Lak - arnissa.

Kumyks - the largest of the Turkic ethnic groups North Caucasus and the third largest among the peoples of Dagestan (13% of the republic’s population). The total number of Kumyks in Russia and the CIS countries, according to the 1989 census, is 281.9 thousand people, and currently - about 350 thousand, including in Dagestan - about 280 thousand people (according to an estimate of 2000 G.). The natural increase over the last decade is about 20%.

Kumyks live on their ancestral territory - the Kumyk Plain and the adjacent foothills from the river. Terek in the north to the Vashlychay and Ullu-chay rivers in the south. More than half (52%) of them are settled in eight rural administrative districts. About half of all Kumyks are concentrated in cities and urban-type settlements, which were formerly Kumyk villages and transformed into urban settlements.

More than 20% of all Kumyks live outside of Dagestan in Russia. Relatively large groups of Kumyks live in the Gudermes and Grozny regions of the Chechen Republic and the Mozdok region of the Republic North Ossetia- Alanya. A small part of the Kumyks are settled in Stavropol and Tyumen regions. (more than 3 thousand people) in Russia, as well as in the republics of Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan. Part of the Kumyk diaspora is located in Turkey, Jordan and some other countries of the world.

The process of ethnocultural consolidation did not eliminate the division into ethnographic groups (Bragun, Buynak, Kayakent, Mozdok, Khasavyurt Kumyks) and subethnic groups (Bashlyntsy, Kazanishtsy, Endireevtsy, etc.), which retained some specific features in culture, everyday life, language, folklore, etc. etc., however, currently not playing a significant role.

The Kumyks border in the north and northwest with Chechens, Nogais, Russians (mainly Cossacks), in the west with Avars and Dargins, in the south with Dargins and Azerbaijanis (mainly with Terekemeys).

Territory from the river The Terek and its tributary Sunzha in the north to the Bashlychay and Ulluchay rivers in the south are traditionally called the Kumyk Plain, which is almost flat, but rises slightly as it approaches the foothills. The foothills consist of many separate ridges stretching from northwest to southeast, their average height is 500-700 m. A unique natural formation is the highest sand mountain (dune) in Europe, Sarikhum ( Yellow Sands) with a height of more than 250 m. In the east, Kumykia is washed by the Caspian Sea, into which the rivers Terek, Sulak (Koysuv), Gamrio-zen and others flow; some rivers do not reach the sea; There are few lakes on the Kumyk Plain (Turali, Ak-Kol, Altauskoe, etc.).

The lowlands are mostly represented by meadow soil varieties, covered primarily with wheatgrass, licorice, etc. The foothills of Kumykia, predominantly represented by chestnut-type soils, are richer in vegetation, mainly cereal-wormwood. In some places, usually in the foothills and along river valleys, deciduous forests and shrubs grow (oak, poplar, maple, walnut, cherry plum, dogwood, wild grapes, sloe, ivy, tree-tree, etc.), where wild boars live, foxes, hares, jackals, wolves, and occasionally red deer and bears. The rivers and the Caspian Sea are rich in fish, in particular sturgeon. It should be noted that in Lately“As a result of massive deforestation and bushes, poaching, pollution and other factors, the flora and fauna of the plain is undergoing significant negative changes.

The climate of Kumykia is moderately warm, continental, with dry and hot summers, rainy autumns and cool winters with little snow, the average annual temperature is + 11°; in the Tersko-Sulak Lowland, the annual precipitation reaches only 200-300 mm; in the foothills the figures are much higher.

Living on the plain, which is a narrow isthmus connecting Asia and Europe within the North-Eastern Caucasus, played both a positive and negative role in the history of the Kumyks: on the one hand, they early became familiar with the cultural and economic achievements of other peoples, their character Among others, such traits were developed as tolerance and a friendly attitude towards these peoples; on the other hand, the campaigns of powerful conquerors often led to the death of a significant number of Kumyks and the destruction of their settlements.

The Kumyks belong to the oldest Caspian type of the large Caucasian race in the North Caucasus and Dagestan with an admixture of the Caucasian type in some groups. They speak the Kumyk language - one of the old written literary languages ​​of Dagestan. It is part of the Kipchak subgroup of the Turkic group of the Altaic language family. It is divided into dialects: Khasavyurt, Buynak, Kaitag, Podgorny, Terek, the latter is represented in the territory of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Ossetia. The literary language, which has a fairly long written tradition, was formed on the basis of the Khasavyurt and Buynak dialects. 99% of Kumyks consider the language of their nationality to be their native language (1989). The Russian language is also widespread: 74.5% of Kumyks speak it fluently.

The tribes that played a certain role in the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks, to one degree or another, used Albanian and runic (ancient Turkic) graphics. There is information that for the Dagestan Huns (Savirs) writing was created by Byzantine-Armenian missionaries, and in the Khazar period - a new writing based on the Greek alphabet; In addition, the Khagans of the Khazars also used the Hebrew alphabet in correspondence.

In connection with the Arab conquests, the penetration of Islam and Islamic culture into the region from the 8th-10th centuries. here the Arabic script gradually spread, which was subject to reform and adapted to the sound system of local languages, including Kumyk (adjam). In 1929, the Kumyk language was translated into Latin script, and from 1938 into Russian. At the end of the 19th century. The first printed books in this language were published. At the same time, the handwritten Arabographic tradition has a much earlier distribution; its monuments include, for example, "Derbend-name" (late 16th century) - one of the first original sources on the history of the peoples of Dagestan.

Starting approximately from Khazar times to the first third of the 20th century. The Turkic language of the ancestors of the Kumyks, and then the Kumyk language itself, served as the language of interethnic communication in the North-Eastern Caucasus. The Kumyk language, which finally took shape in the pre-Mongol era, was also the official language of correspondence between the peoples of the Caucasus with the Russian tsars and representatives of the Russian administration, and was studied in gymnasiums and colleges in Vladikavkaz, Stavropol, Mozdok, Kizlyar, Temir-Khan-Shura, etc. In 1917- 1918 At the national congresses of the peoples of the North Caucasus, the Kumyk language was adopted as official language. In 1923, the Turkic (Kumyk) language in Dagestan was proclaimed state language republics (Aliev K., 1997. P. 35).

Ethnic history. The ancient history of the Kumyks, like other peoples of Dagestan, has not been studied enough, so there are many “blank spots” in it, and mutually exclusive judgments are often made. In this regard, it is interesting that a number of prominent foreign scientists discovered the ethnonym “Kumyk” and the statehood of the Kumyks in the Caucasus and Asia Minor even before our era (I. Juna-tak, Z. Waterman, J. Anadol, F. Kyrzy-oglu, Yu. Yusifov, etc.). Regarding the Turkic tribes on Ancient Caucasus Many Russian historians and philologists come to similar conclusions (J. Karabudakhkentli, S. Tokarev, L. Lavrov, S. Baychorov, I. Miziev, K. Kadyradzhiev, M. Dzhurtubaev, S. Aliev, A. Kandaurov, K. Aliev etc.).

According to other scientists, the basis of the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks was the local Dagestan population, which from ancient times occupied the foothills and adjacent plains of Dagestan and adopted the Turkic language and individual elements cultures of alien Turkic-speaking tribes, starting from the first centuries of our era (V. Bartold, Y. Fedorov, S. Gadzhieva, G. Fedorov-Guseinov, etc.). (For more information about various hypotheses, see: Fedorov-Guseinov, 1996. P. 16 et al.) It should be noted that folklore material, like linguistic material, indicates that. that local Turkic-speaking Caucasian folklore has existed in the North Caucasus region since very ancient times (Nart ethnic group, songs about Minkyullu, Kartkozhak, mythological works, etc.). It is no coincidence that many prominent scientists have subjected to reasoned criticism the “official theory” of the “Turkification” of the Kumyks (see for more details: Aliev K.M., 2001, pp. 4-18).

In the formation of the ancestors of the Kumyks, obviously, a certain role was played, in particular, by tribes known under general names: Cimmerians (until the beginning of the 8th century BC), Scythians (USH-III centuries BC), etc. Mentions of ethnonyms similar to the word “Kumyks” (“Kamaks”, “Gemikins”, “Kymyks”, etc.) in this or adjacent territories are also found in Pliny Secundus, Claudius Ptolemy (I century AD), from early medieval Arab authors, from Mahmud of Kashgar (XI century), Plano Carpini (XIII century), etc. The ancestors of the Kumyks, obviously, were part of the state associations of the Huns, Savirs, Barsils, Bulgars: the Khazars and Kipchaks.

The formation of the Kumyk people with its current Kypchak language dates back to the 16th-12th centuries. The traditions of statehood that developed in the medieval period were continued in subsequent times, when such political formations as the Tarkov Shamkhalate, the Mehtulin Khanate appeared: in Northern (Zasulak) Kumykia - the Endireevsky, Kostek and Ak-Saevsky possessions, in present-day Chechnya - the Bragun Principality ; Southern Kumyks were part of the Kaitag Utsmiystvo. A special place was occupied by the Tarkov Shamkhal (Shavkhal), whose suzerainty was recognized by other Kumyk and other rulers of Dagestan.

He had virtually unlimited power, although he periodically assembled a council to solve important problems. Shamkhal did not have a standing army, but he had a large number of warriors (neker), and appanage princes (biy, bek) were also his vassals. The shamkhal had assistants, “ministers” (vatr) > caretakers (natr), heads of military force (cherivbashy), centurions (yuzbashy), mayor (kapabek), policemen (chavush), stablemen (karaschy), steward (khonchachy), butlers (ayakchy) etc. Almost the same thing was observed in the management of other possessions of Kumykia. Socially, Kumyk society also consisted of nobles, uzdens of various categories, peasants of varying degrees of dependence, slaves, etc.

After the final annexation of Kumykia to Russia, supreme power was concentrated in the hands of the tsarist military command.

From the 16th century Close trade and diplomatic relations between the Kumyks and Russia are recorded, which intensified with the construction of the Terek town (1589) at the mouth of the Terek. After the formation of the Dagestan region (1860, center - the city of Te-mir-Khan-Shura), the political power of the shamkhals, khans and biys was actually eliminated; instead of the previous possessions, districts were created: from the Kaitag uts-miystvo and Tabasaran the Kaitago-Tabasaran district was formed, from the Tarkov Shamkhalate, the Mehtulin Khanate and the Prisulak naibstvo - the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky district of the Dagestan region; On the territory of the Endireevsky, Aksaevsky and* Kosteksky possessions, the Kumyk (later Khasavyurt) district of the Terek region is formed. Kumyks made up the main population (more than 60%) of the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky and Khasavyurt districts, and in the Kaitago-Tabaearan district - about 15% of the population. In 1920, during the creation of the autonomous Dagestan SSR, the Khasavyurt district became part of the republic, i.e. The administrative unity of most of the territory inhabited by the Kumyks was restored, divided in 1860 into two regions, with the exception of the Bragun and Mozdok (Kizlyar) Kumyks.

The earliest relatively reliable information about the number of Kumyks dates back to the 1860s. According to official data from the Main Headquarters of the Caucasian Army, in the Dagestan (in the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky and Kaitago-Tabasar districts) and Terek (Kumyk district) regions, there were 62 Kumyk villages, in which about 78 thousand people lived. Half a century later, by 1916, the number of Kumyks had grown to 97 thousand. Dynamics of the number of Kumyks in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. indicates a constant, albeit slow increase in Kumyks, which was a consequence of two demographic factors: high birth rates, encouraged by society and adat norms (early marriage, approval of large families, etc.), the Muslim religion (way of life), which condemns not only measures to limit birth rates , but also childlessness, allowing polygamy and encouraging an increase in the number of Muslims, etc.; relative stability of Kumyk settlement in their ancestral territory.

The growth rate was slowed down by a fairly high mortality rate due to poor medical care, the spread of infectious diseases, and epidemics. Average family size among Kumyks in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. was about five people.

The number of Kumyks in the 20th century. in Dagestan, within the current borders of the republic, increased from 88 thousand (1926) to 278 thousand people (2000), i.e. by 190 thousand, or 3 times; the average annual growth rate of Kumyks reaches almost 3.4%, which is higher than the average annual growth rate for the republic as a whole.

Basic classes. Kumyk lands were traditionally divided into four types: arable lands, hayfields, forests and pastures. Since ancient times, the leading branch of the economy has been agriculture, especially grain farming (wheat, barley, millet, corn, rice). The Kumyks knew a three-field farming system with alternating crops and artificial irrigation techniques. Steam raising was widely practiced. In a number of Kumyk villages, gardening, melon growing, vegetable gardening and viticulture have received significant development. The second most important sector of the national economy was livestock farming, the development of which was facilitated by the availability of a good feed supply.

The leading place was occupied by large meat, dairy and small cattle. Cattle were also used as draft power, horses were used primarily for riding. Buffalo breeding was typical. Livestock farming was mainly stationary, but peasants in a number of Kumyk villages also resorted to transhumance forms of keeping sheep. Residents of Mountainous Dagestan rented winter pastures on the plain (kutans) from the Kumyks, while the Kumyks used the summer pastures of the mountaineers under the same rental conditions. These regulated centuries-old traditions largely contributed to the formation of a community of economic interests of the inhabitants of Dagestan, a rational division of labor, and the elimination of interethnic conflicts based on land claims.

Even before the 19th century. In Kumykiy, public ownership of land generally gives way to feudal land use. In the 19th century There are already three main types of agriculture: private, state, waqf - mosque lands. Private land ownership was divided into large feudal estates and small private lands - mulks. After the establishment of Soviet power, all land was nationalized.

Favorable natural conditions, proximity to the sea, and the presence of rivers contributed to the emergence of (auxiliary) fishing among the Kumyks. The extraction of salt and oil, which also supplied most of Mountainous Dagestan, was of some importance in the economy. Due to the division of labor between the lowland and mountainous parts of Dagestan, as well as the relatively early penetration of Russian factory products into the plains, the Kumyks began to curtail many types of crafts relatively early. At the same time, certain branches of home production and crafts continued to play an important role. Among them one can highlight the production of cloth and cotton fabrics, processing of leather, wood, metal, carpet weaving, weapons production (for example, in the village of Verkhneye Kazanishche, from which the famous master Bazalay comes), etc.

The most important trade routes in the Eastern Caucasus, in particular the Great Silk Road, passed through Kuma Kiya. The Kumyk Plain served as the main breadbasket for many regions of Dagestan - all this led to significant development of trade and economy. The processes of involving lowland Dagestan into the all-Russian market and the penetration of capitalist relations are intensifying.

The Kumyks had a fairly clear gender and age division of labor: men were involved in caring for small horned and draft livestock, their grazing, most field work, collecting hay, firewood, etc. Women looked after dairy cattle, did housekeeping, caring for the house, sewing, weaving, embroidery, production of folk arts and crafts. Elderly parents were not allowed to engage in heavy physical labor; public opinion condemned adult children if their elderly parents were involved in backbreaking work (Gadzhieva, 1961, pp. 62-106).

Material culture. The main type of settlement among the Kumyks is the village: yurt, gate, avul; the latter term is more often used to refer to neighborhoods. On the territory of Kumshsh there were many ancient and medieval cities (Semender, Belendzher, Targyu, Eideri, etc.), most of the modern Dagestan cities are located here (Makhachkala, Buynaksk, Khasavyurt, etc.). There was also a farm type of settlement (flock, mahi), which usually grew and turned into villages. As a result of numerous wars and invasions during the Arab-Khazar wars, the Mongol invasion, and the Caucasian War, a number of other Kumyk settlements were wiped off the face of the earth, but for the most part Peaceful time settlements were restored. During the period of conquest by Tsarist Russia and later, Russian fortresses and villages were built on the Kumyk Plain. Some Nogais and Chechens also settle here, forming separate settlements, as well as settling in Kumyk villages.

Kumyk dwellings can be divided into three main types: one-story - on a low foundation: one-and-a-half stories - on a high stone foundation: recently such houses have also been built with a large basement for household purposes; two-story. The lack of natural building materials (stone, wood), the availability of land, as well as greater adaptability to protection from the summer heat contributed to the predominant development of one-story dwellings among the lowland Kumyks; among the foothill Kumyks, on the contrary, two-story buildings were more common.

According to the internal layout, all rooms were located either in one row, or L-shaped (when the house has more than two rooms), or U-shaped (if there are more than three rooms). The rooms were usually united by a gallery running along the main facade. Inside the house, along the ceiling of the rooms under the ceiling beams, perpendicular to them, there was a purlin made of thick finished wood that supported them. The purlin was supported in the center by a thick median pillar (orta oag'ana). which usually had a massive wooden beam on top with decorative carved details in the form of lion heads. Doors and window frames were made from solid oak boards. The roofs of the houses were flat and adobe; among the northern Kumyks they were close to gable roofs.

In a Kumyk house, each room had its own purpose. The most spacious room was allocated for the kitchen (ash yy). There was a special room for guests - kunatskaya (konak ui), wealthy people built separate rooms for guests in the courtyard. One room was used for storing food, the remaining rooms served as bedrooms. All galleries, windows and doors were usually facing south and southeast, which was due to the desire to receive more solar heat and better protection from the cold.

The house was heated by a fireplace. In the second half of the 19th century. Indoor ovens appeared that had much in common with ovens for baking bread - kyoryuks, which had long been built either in the courtyard or on the gallery of the lower floor. Since the end of the 19th century. iron stoves appear. Nowadays, a water device is often used for heating, and disposable stoves and stoves heated by coal are used for cooking (Ibid., pp. 192-222).

The yard was fenced with a fence made of stone, adobe or wicker (and turluk). The courtyards, with few exceptions, had oak gates with massive leaves.

Light underwear for men was a tunic-like shirt (gele k) and trousers (ishtan, shalbar). Over the shirt, the Kumyks wore a beshmet (kaap-tal), sewn from dark (for winter, for work) and light (for summer) fabrics. The beshmet gradually began to be replaced by the Caucasian shirt. A circassian coat (chepken) was worn on a beshmet or Caucasian shirt, which was sewn from local or imported semi-cloth, cotton fabrics, and less often from white camel wool. In winter, a sheepskin coat (ton) was worn over a beshmet or Circassian coat. Elegant fur coats were made from white sheepskins of young lambs. Kumyk feudal lords and bourgeois wore sable, ermine, ferret, and beaver coats made from imported Russian furs. The outer clothing that protected from rain, cold and wind was the burka (yamuchu). Men's footwear was varied: socks made of woolen yarn (chorap), light morocco boots (ethik, masi), charyks, shoes and galoshes made of morocco or thin leather with thick soles. The headdress of the Kumyk was a sheepskin papakha (papakh, berk), as well as a bashlyk (bashlyk). After the annexation of Dagestan to Russia, imported urban clothing of the European type began to penetrate into the Kumyk environment.

In the Middle Ages, Kumyk warriors wore chain mail (gyube), an iron or steel helmet (takyya), an iron shield (kalkyan), a quiver (sadak), and in battle they used a bow and arrows (ok-zhaya), a dart and a pike (shungyu), and a stick with a wedge-shaped bayonet (syulche), saber (ilyoshke, kylych), the dagger (khynzhal) was especially common. Since the 17th century The Kumyks also used firearms: smoothbore guns (<тювек), пистолет (тапанча) и пушку {топ). Наряду с оружием местного производства имело распространение и турецкое, русское, английское оружие.

Women's clothing had more features, including local ones, than men's clothing. Underwear - ich gölek and byurushme gölek (long shirts); Belt clothing included trousers or wide trousers (shalbar, pitan). There were several types of outer dress: arsar (swing dress); halfa (one-piece dress); kabalai (elegant dress like arsar). In winter they wore fur coats. Women's footwear consisted mainly of woolen socks, boots, boots, and leather galoshes. They were similar to similar types of men's shoes, but, as a rule, they were distinguished by elegance and were made more elegantly, from more refined, brightly colored materials.

On the head of the Kumyk they wore a bandage (chutku) in the form of a bag open at the top and bottom, sewn from satin, satin or wool. Hair braided into braids was lowered into chutka. A large scarf (yavluk, tastar) - silk, wool, tulle or chintz - was tied over the chutku. The scarves were very diverse; they were chosen primarily taking into account age and situation (holiday, mourning, etc.).

In Dagestan, Kumyk women are traditionally considered skilled cooks. Among the dishes we can name the following: khinkal - a kind of national dumplings made from soft wheat dough, boiled in fatty meat broth and seasoned with gravy (tuzluk) made from sour cream (or sour milk, tomato, nuts, etc.) with garlic (khinkal weaves many varieties ); gyalpama - khinkal made from corn flour; short - various soups (with beans, rice, noodles, cereals, etc.); kurze - a kind of dumplings stuffed with meat (or cottage cheese, pumpkin, nettle, liver, etc.); Chudu - a kind of chebureks (pies) made from the same products as kurze; dolma - a type of cabbage rolls made from minced meat with rice, wrapped in grape or cabbage leaves; pilav (ash) - pilaf; shishlik - shish kebab; kuymak - scrambled eggs; kuvurma (bozbash) - meat sauce; chilav - porridge made from rice, as well as corn or wheat grits, cooked in milk or water; tahana - liquid porridge made from wheat flour fried in oil; halva (galiwa) made from flour and sugar fried in melted butter, halva with nuts and other varieties. This is not a complete list of the main national dishes, which also have local specifics. There was also a great variety of pies, bread, pancakes, rolls, jams, drinks, etc. Regular and Kalmyk (salted) tea, coffee, cocoa, and many alcoholic drinks among the Kumyks are borrowed drinks.

Social and family life. Long before the 19th century. Kumyk tukhum (secret, qavum, jeans) underwent profound changes, although tukhum connections continued to play a significant role in a later period. The tukhum included only paternal relatives (usually 100-150 people), the degree of relationship was of great importance. Non-consanguineous ties also played a significant role: atalychestvo (raising children in someone else’s clan), kunachestvo, relationships with half-brothers and sisters.

All property and food were considered the collective property of the entire family. The property of family members consisted of property passed to them by inheritance and acquired by the common labor of the family. Personal property was mainly owned by women, and, as a rule, it consisted of a dowry. In the event of a spouse's divorce, women's personal property was not subject to division. If a man initiated a divorce, the woman received everything that she brought from her parents' home, and, in addition, the payment (ge-bingyak) received for her upon marriage. Members of a large family continued to own some types of property (a mill, in some cases land, etc.) jointly even after the division, observing priority in their use or dividing income. The youngest son most often remained in his father's house, running a common household with his parents. The development of commodity-money relations and private property, the peasant reform led to the replacement of large family units with small families.

Marriage and divorce were regulated by Sharia. Marriage took place at 15-16 years of age and older. Negotiations with the girl's parents were conducted by a trusted person - arachi, then, after the chances of successful matchmaking appeared, matchmakers (gelechiler) were sent to the girl's parents. The bride price was paid for the bride, one part of which went to the Kumyks for the benefit of the parents, the other for the purchase of a dowry. In addition, the husband had to pay gebinak, which provides for his wife and children in the event of divorce or death of the husband. The betrothal (geleshiv) was celebrated in a solemn atmosphere. To seal the obligations accepted by the parties, the bride's parents were given some valuable thing - a belgi. The wedding of the Kumyks was celebrated solemnly, as a rule, with the invitation of all fellow villagers. The groom was at the house of a close friend, where the celebrations also took place, but in a narrower circle.

Avoidance customs (family prohibitions) are one of the most highly developed and distinctive characteristics of traditional Kumyk family-kinship relations. The severity of morals and the ascetic, “Spartan” way of life traditionally did not allow a man to take part in raising young children or to show parental feelings. The mother was involved in raising the child, although in front of strangers she was not supposed to caress him or show her feelings. From a certain age, the father was also involved in raising children, especially sons. The upbringing of boys and girls was different: the boy was taught that he was called upon in the future to protect loved ones, to occupy an independent position in the family and society, to become a good worker in the field, etc.; The girl, on the contrary, was brought up to have an easy-going character; she was accustomed to caring for a child and doing housework. All educational activities were carried out by means of folk pedagogy, which used methods of labor training, games, rituals, children's folklore, etc. (Ibid. pp. 252-280).

The traditional Kumyk legal system was based on ad-tah (customary law) and Sharia (Islamic law). The main place was occupied by adat, according to which most cases were dealt with: murder, injury, beating, theft, arson, adultery, kidnapping, false oath, lawsuits, etc. Sharia was usually used to deal with cases of wills, guardianship, division of property, marriage issues . The trial according to adat was carried out by experienced and influential old men from the princes and uzdens, and according to Sharia - qadi. There was also an arbitration court (maslagat), whose decision was considered final. When cases were tried on the basis of suspicion, i.e. there were no witnesses (shagyat), co-jurors (tusev) played a large role in the trial. If the criminal was not known, the search for him was entrusted to the prover (ayg'aq).

Decisions could be canceled by feudal lords or the tsarist administration. On important matters, a general meeting of men was convened, where the feudal elite still played a decisive role.

Spiritual culture. From the USH-HP centuries. Sunni Islam with all its inherent features became widespread among the Kumyks. There is evidence that before this period Christianity and Judaism had a certain spread. Obviously, first of all, the early penetration of Islam into the region is due to the fact that pagan beliefs among the Kumyks have been preserved relatively poorly; the institution of shamanism as such is practically not recorded, although rudiments of similar institutions have been preserved (khalmach, etne). Folklore and ethnographic material allows us to talk about the worship of the Kumyks to the supreme god Tengiri, deities and spirits of the Sun, Moon, Earth, Water, etc. There are tales, visits, oral stories, ritual songs and other things about the demonological creatures Albasly (an ugly woman with huge breasts thrown over her shoulders, she usually harms women in labor), Suv-anasy (Mother of water, she can drown bathers), Temirtyosh, Baltatesh, Kylychtyosh (they have an ax or saber blade sticking out of their chest), Syutkatyn (obviously a goddess, the spirit of rain and fertility), Basdyryk (can strangle people in a dream), Sulag (gluttonous creature), etc.

Muslim mythology became widespread among the Kumyks, which partially layered on pagan beliefs and transformed them “to their own advantage.” Thus, in funeral rites and poetry, along with Muslim regulations (especially during the burial process), ideas about the afterlife, elements of pagan beliefs, as well as some rituals and songs were preserved: shagyalai - a kind of lamentation and ritual “dance” around the deceased, a rite of dedication to the deceased horse, etc. Currently, there is an increasing role of Muslim, and partially pagan, beliefs and rituals.

Ornamental art reached a significant level among the Kumyks. Thus, in old-type houses, great importance was attached to carved ornaments, which decorated the wooden parts of the house, beams, pillars, closets, doors, shutters, window frames, and gates. Small stone slabs, covered with traditional carvings and inscriptions, were inserted into the stone walls of the gallery, into the gates, etc. Clay modeling was also widely used to decorate niches, openings, cornices, fireplaces, etc. When distributing architectural and decorative elements, traditional techniques were used, based on a specific understanding of decorative rhythm. Daggers, pistols, sabers, and guns were covered with carved decorations and gold or silver frames. Almost all types of women's clothing, and especially those intended for girls and young women, were decorated along the hem, on the belt, sleeves, chest, collar, or with gold, silver braid, or lace, or a variety of skillfully made gilded bibs. Pile and lint-free carpets (dum, hali, nanka, Kayakent rugs), felt carpets (arbabash, kiiz), mats (chipta), saddlebags (khurzhun) were distinguished by their originality and high artistic qualities.

The Kumyk people created highly artistic examples of folklore. The heroic epic includes "Yyr (song) about Minkyullu", which dates back to ancient times and is similar in a number of characteristics to the "Epic of Gilgamesh", "Yyr about Kartkozhak and Maksuman" - a monument of the Kumyk Nart epic, "Yyr about Javatbiye", in which, like the Oghuz epic about Grandfather Korkut, tells the story of the hero’s struggle with the angel of death Azrael and others. “The Tale of the Battle of Anji” reflects the period of the Arab-Khazar wars.

Calendar-ritual poetry is represented by songs of calling rain (Zemi-re, Syutkyatyn, etc.), autumn songs (Gyudyurbay, Gyussemey, etc.), songs of welcoming spring (Navruz), etc., family ritual poetry - wedding songs ( toy sarynlar), lamentations (yaslar, vayaglar). Children's folklore, mythological legends (cosmogonic, etiological, etc.), legends (toponymic, genealogical, about repelling foreign conquerors, about class struggle, etc.), as well as fairy tales (yomaqlar), also received significant development. Among the heroic-historical stories, very popular stories are about the people’s warriors Aigazi, Zorush, Abdullah, Eldarush, etc., as well as about the heroes of the anti-colonial and anti-feudal struggle in the 19th century. (about Shamil, Delhi Osman, Majtn, Kazibekh, Abdullatip, etc.).

Relatively late genres of Kumyk folklore include katk-yyrs (heroic and philosophical and edifying songs about freedom-loving Cossack warriors), takmaks and saryns (quatrains-competitions of a predominantly love, comic nature), love (ashugogae), humorous and other yyrs. Proverbs (proverbs, sayings, riddles) are also rich.

Kumyk dance, which had about 20 variants, belongs to the Lezginka type; it is distinguished by a number of features characteristic of developed choreography. It is characterized by compositional clarity, a pronounced manner of performance (strong, courageous for men, calmly proud for women), complex design, two-beat rhythm, etc.

The art of song performance has also reached great perfection, especially the male polyphonic (burdoning) choir, which is rare for Dagestan. Dances and songs are accompanied by the kumuza (plucked musical instrument) and accordion; solo tunes are also performed on the same instruments.

Kumyk literature began to develop in the XSU-XV centuries. (Ummu Kamal, Baghdad Ali, Muhammad Avabi, etc.), however, it reached a significant level at the end of the 18th-19th centuries, when major poets also appeared, such as A. Kakashurinsky, Yyrchi Kazak, M.-E. Osmanov, A.-G. Ibragimov and others. Educational and revolutionary-democratic literature is receiving great development (N. and Z. Batyrmurzaevs, T.-B. Beybulatov, A. Akaev, M. Alibekov, K. Jamaldin, A. Dadav, etc.). A.-P. made a huge contribution to the development of Dagestan Soviet literature. Salavatov, Y. Gereev, A. Magomedov, B. Astemirov (one of the founders and first chairman of the Writers' Union of Dagestan), A. Akavov, A.-V. Suleymanov, A. Adzhamatov, A. Adzhiev, I. Kerimov, Sh. Al-beriev, M.-S. Yakhyaev, M. Atabaev, K. A Bukov. Badrutdin (Magomedov) and others. On the paternal side, the outstanding Russian poet Arseny Tarkovsky and his son, the world-famous film director Andrei Tarkovsky, also go back to the Tarkovsky family of shamkhals.

The Kumyk Theater, which is the first of the national theaters of Dagestan, was created in 1930; such outstanding Dagestan actors as People's Artist of the USSR, laureate of the Prize named after. Stanislavsky B. Muradova, People's Artists of the RSFSR and DASSR A. Kurumov, T. Gadzhiev, G. Rustamov, S. Muradova, M. Akmurzaev and others. I. Kaziev makes a significant contribution to the development of Dagestan and Russian cinema. Among the masters of performing arts, T. Muradov and I. Battalbekov are very popular. 3. Aleskenderov, G. Bekbolatov, B. Ibragimova, U. Arbukhanova. B. Elmurzaeva, B. Osaev, M.-Z. Bagautdinov and others. At the origins of Dagestan, in particular Kumyk, professional music were T.-B. Beybulatov and T. Muradov, their traditions are now successfully continued by N. Dagirov, K. Shamasov, Kh. Batyrgnshiev, A. Askerkhanov, S. Amirkhanov and others.

Sport. National sports play an important role in the life of all peoples. In childhood and adolescence, these were mainly games and competitions, usually “dressed up” in the form of a ritual or spectacle. So, when saying goodbye to winter, Kumyk children, like the children of many peoples of Dagestan, jumped over fires (the meaning is magical), there were numerous versions of games that were reminiscent of or very similar to the Russian games of gorodki, lapta, “Cossack robbers”, “horse and the rider", blind man's buff, catchers, game of alchiki, etc. It is interesting that the Kumyks also had a unique game of “field hockey”: in the evening they set fire to a piece of tinder and beat it off each other with a stick (kaikgy). Horse racing, horse riding, competitions in the national form of freestyle wrestling, etc. were held as an integral part of celebrations, rituals and as independent competitions.

National sports undoubtedly stimulate the development of similar modern sports: the world famous wrestler and circus artist Al-Klych Khasaev (Rubin), as well as Sali Suleiman Kazanishchsky, Ali Kazbek, Olympic and world champions in freestyle wrestling N. and A. Na-erullaevs, S. Absaidov, M.-G. Abushev and others, world champion in wushu-sanda 3. Gaidarbekov, Asian and world champion in kickboxing among professionals A. Porsukov, Russian, USSR and world champion in archery Makhlukha-num Murzaeva, world championship medalist, three-time European champion in wushu -taolu, popular film actor Jamal Azhigirey and others.

The science. The folk knowledge of the Kumyks, like that of other peoples, in early periods was highly developed and empirical in nature; it was developed over the course of centuries and related to a wide variety of areas of life and, above all, medicine. Folk healers in medical practice used plants, food, water, bloodletting, massage, compresses, etc. Along with these rational methods, magical techniques dating back to ancient times were often used. Among professional doctors, even before the revolution, Yu. Klychev and T. Bammatov were especially popular. It should be noted that during the years of Soviet power, Dagestan medicine has achieved significant success, highly qualified personnel have grown up (from the Kumyks - chd.-cor. of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences R.P. Askerkhanov, dozens of doctors and candidates of science).

Astronomical knowledge was also quite well developed among the Kumyks, as evidenced by the presence of the names of many planets and constellations, a number of which served practical purposes: determining the cardinal directions, time of year, day, etc. Back in the 7th-8th centuries. The Turks had a 12-year cycle of the so-called animal calendar. Although it is believed that this, as well as the centennial calendar-predictor among the Kumyks, became widespread at the beginning of the 20th century. through the publications of Abu-Sufyan Akayev, there is reason to believe that the 12-year calendar has been known here for a long time. This, for example, is evidenced by the proverb “Don’t be happy that now is the year of the snake - the year of the horse awaits you ahead” (“Yylan yyl del syuyunme - yylkyy yilyng aldshgda”), based on the belief that the year of the snake, unlike the year of the horse, happens warm, favorable for offspring.

The year is also divided into separate periods: they had their own names (“small chill-le”, “big chill-le”, etc.) and fairly accurate weather characteristics.

Speaking about the contribution of the Kumyks to the development of science, we note such prominent scientists as Muhammad Avabi Aktashi (second half of the 16th century - early 17th century, author of "Der-Bend-Name"), Alikulikhan Valeh Dagestani (1710-1756, poet, compiler anthology "The Garden of Poets", containing information about 2594 poets of the East of the X-XVII centuries), Devlet-Murza Shikhaliev (the first Kumyk ethnographer), Akhmed-Sahib Kaplan (1859-1920, politician, author of more than 10 monographs on history and politics of Turkey), Shihammat-Kadi (1833-1918, a prominent Arabist scholar, published about 30 books), Abu-Sufyan Akayev (1872-1931, an outstanding educator, scientist, poet, book publisher, public figure), Gaidar Bammatov (1890-1967, major political figure, author of a major work on the history and culture of the Muslim world “Faces of Islam” and numerous other works), his sons: Nazhmutdin (UN coordinator for world culture issues, Doctor of Theology and Humanities), Temir-Bolat (general aircraft designer of France, advisor on the development of international aviation).

Let's name other names of famous Kumyk scientists: Muzhetdin Khangishi-ev (1905-1971, a major aircraft designer, head of a department at the Design Bureau of A.A. Tupolev, twice laureate of the USSR State Prize), Murad Kaplanov (1915-1980, chief specialist in space technology, chief expert in color television technology, twice winner of the USSR State Prize), Fakhretdin Kyrzy-oglu (member of the Academy of Turkic History, one of the leading historians of Turkey, author of numerous monographs on the history of the ancient Caucasus and the Middle East), Yashar Aydemir (Professor at the University of California, prominent physicist), S.Sh. Gadzhieva (a major ethnographer, author of many fundamental works), etc.

For many centuries, the Kumyks, like other peoples of Dagestan, had to fight for independence, to preserve their statehood, their lands, etc. Outstanding sons of the Kumyk people took part in this struggle, among whom it should be noted, for example, Sultan-Muta, the Andy-Reevsky prince, who, in particular, inflicted a crushing defeat on the troops of the royal governor Buturlin in 1604, about which N.M. Karamzin wrote that “this battle... cost us from six to seven thousand soldiers and erased the traces of Russian possession in Dagestan for 118 years” (Karamzin, 1845. P. 43), Akhmedkhan Dzhengutaevsky, who led the fight of the Dagestanis against the Iranian Shah Nadir (XVIII century), Khasaikhan Utsmiev, general of the Russian army, friend of M.-F-Akhundov. During the turbulent years of the revolution and civil war, such prominent figures as U. Buynaksky, J. Korkmasov, G. Bammatov, N. Tarkovsky, S.-S. often found themselves on opposite sides of the barricades. Kazbekov, 3. Batyrmur-zaev et al.

In the battles with the fascist invaders from among the Kumyk people, who numbered only a little more than 100 thousand people on the eve of the war, six were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union (more precisely, one of them, Ab-dulkhakim Ismailov, is the Hero of Russia, because until recently it was imposed "taboo" on the information that he and his two comrades were the first to hoist the banner of Victory over the defeated Reichstag, and therefore they were awarded a high title only half a century later), two Kumyks became full holders of the Order of Glory, many thousands of Kumyks were awarded others high awards for the heroic defense of their homeland. And in the post-war years, representatives of the Kumyks made a significant contribution to strengthening the country’s defense capability and military development (for example, Colonel General E.K. Tsokolaev was the commander of the air force in the Far East, deputy commander-in-chief of the troops of the Far East, etc.).

Modern problems. Thus, over the course of their centuries-old history, the Kumyks in all spheres of human activity showed themselves to be a viable, hardworking people; they made a worthy contribution to the development of Dagestan, all-Russian and even world culture. The Kumyk people still have sufficient internal potential for further development. However, over the past decades, as a result of a large-scale resettlement policy, the Kumyks, like other peoples living in the lowland part of the republic - Nogais, Russians (Cossacks), Azerbaijanis, have lost a significant part of the land on their ancestral territory and have lost compactness of residence. Unlike other (mountain) peoples of Dagestan, they no longer have mono-ethnic regions, and in conditions when most of the currently existing, including rural, settlements have become multi-ethnic, real prospects for the de-ethnicization of the Kumyks have arisen.

The main reason for this situation is the resettlement of the highlanders to the plain due to the agrarian overpopulation of the mountains. This resettlement was initially spontaneous (if before 1918 23 resettlement settlements were created on the flat lands, then already in 1918-1921 - another 57), and then organized.

The resettlement of mountain farms to the plain continued in the 1930s and 1940s. At the same time, they began to allocate pasture lands on the plain to the mountaineers for raising livestock in the winter, assigning the kutans to livestock-raising mountain collective farms. The mountain population gradually settled on these cutans.

A new wave of this process is associated with the restoration of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the return of the evicted highlanders to Dagestan, mainly to the Kumyk Plain. At the same time, organized migration from the mountains to the plain continued, intensifying due to the reorientation of the republic's agriculture in the 1960s to the development of viticulture, which required additional labor resources. The destructive earthquakes of 1966 and 1970 also contributed to the further settlement of the highlanders in the lowland part of Dagestan. As a result, by the end of the 1970s, about 300 thousand highlanders were resettled. For the settlers on the plain, 76 new settlements were organized, and more than one collective and state farm was created. To this it should be added that the mountainous areas since the land and water reform of 1927-1934. received temporary use of land on the plain for winter pastures, which played a vital role in solving their socio-economic problems. About 1.5 million hectares of farmland, including 137 thousand hectares of arable land, were assigned to 280 public farms in 21 mountainous regions on the plain.

The resettlement led to a significant mitigation of the severity of agrarian issues in the mountains, but at the same time created a lot of problems for the inhabitants of the plain, which had become overpopulated. As a result of many years of resettlement to the plain, the Kumyk population retained about a third of the lands that belonged to them until the recent past (until the 1930s); they found themselves a national minority on their territory. The Kumyks, having lost their compact habitation, became one of the land-deprived peoples of Dagestan.

Thus, the traditions developed by centuries of experience and wisdom of the peoples of Dagestan were violated, according to which all peoples had their own specific territory, each of which was involved in a system of division of labor (cattle breeding, crafts, gardening were developed in the mountains, and mainly grain farming was developed on the plains ), which determines the free and mutually interested exchange of products and objects of labor between the inhabitants of the plain and mountains. This simultaneously served as a powerful factor in preserving interethnic peace and mutual assistance, for which local peoples are traditionally famous.

At the end of the 1980s, national movements "Tenglik" ("Equality") and others appeared on the political arena of the republic, raising acute problems and proposing their own ways to solve them. It is obvious that solving the problems of the Kumyk people is closely interconnected with general Dagestan problems and requires urgent measures to be taken.

P. Kalininsky, Kirzavod and Yangi-Yurt microdistricts of the city of Mozdok in the Mozdok region) and in Chechnya (Grozny and Gudermes districts - the villages of Vinogradnoye and Braguny). They are the second largest national minority in the Chechen Republic (after the Russians) and the fourth in the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania (after the Russians, Ingush and Armenians).

503.1 thousand people live in Russia in 2010, of which 431.7 thousand people live in Dagestan.

Number and settlement

The Kumyks are the second largest Turkic-speaking people in the Caucasus after the Azerbaijanis, while being the largest Turkic people in the North Caucasus and the third largest people of Dagestan. The territory of their traditional settlement is the Kumyk plane, the western coast of the Caspian Sea and the foothills of Dagestan.

Number of subjects of the Russian Federation

The subject of the Russian Federation	2002	2010
	Number	Number
Dagestan	365 804	431 736
Tyumen region	12 343	18 668
Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug	9 554	13 849
Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug	2 613	4 466
North Ossetia	12 659	16 092
Chechnya	8 883	12 221
Stavropol region	5 744	5 639
Moscow	1 615	2 351
Moscow region	818	1 622
Astrakhan region	1 356	1 558
Rostov region	1 341	1 511
Volgograd region	895	1 018
subjects with a Kumyk population of more than 1000 people are shown

Ethnonym

The origin of the ethnonym “Kumyk” (“K’umuk”) is not entirely clear. Most researchers (Bakikhanov, S.A. Tokarev, A.I. Tamai, S.Sh. Gadzhieva, etc.) derived the name from the Polovtsian ethnonym Kimaki or from another name for the Kipchaks - Kuman. According to P.K. Uslar, in the 19th century. in the North Caucasus, the terms Kumyk or Kumuk were used to refer to the Turkic-speaking inhabitants of the plain. In Dagestan, Chechnya and Ingushetia, only Kumyks were referred to by the terms kumyk and kumuq. B. A. Alborov derived the ethnonym “Kumyk” from the Turkic word “kum” (sand, sandy desert). In turn, Y. A. Fedorov, based on written sources of the 8th-19th centuries, wrote that the ethnonym “gumik - kumyk - kumukh” is an indigenous Dagestan toponym associated with the Middle Ages.

In the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, based on the works of the famous ethnographer and specialist on the Caucasus, Sakinat Khadzhieva, the following version of the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks was indicated:

Ancient tribes took part in the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks - the aborigines of North-Eastern Dagestan and alien Turkic-speaking tribes, especially the Kipchaks, whose language was adopted by the aborigines.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia: 30 volumes / Ch. ed. A. M. Prokhorov. - 3rd ed. - M.: Sov. encyclical, 1969 – 1978

The most famous Caucasus expert Leonid Lavrov questioned the version of the “Turkishness” of the Kumyks:

It is unlikely that the Kumyks were Turkicized Dagestanis, as some claim. Rather, their ancestors should be considered the Kipchaks, Khazars and, perhaps, other Turks of the early Middle Ages. It would be advisable to find out whether the Kamaks who lived in Northern Dagestan at the beginning of our era are related to them

The great Russian orientalist Vladimir Minorsky put forward his version of the origin of the Kumyks:

The final formation of the Kumyk ethnos took place in the 12th-12th centuries.

In the territory of settlement of the Kumyk people, there were several states, of which the most famous were the Kingdom of the Huns, Dzhidan, and Tarkov Shamkhalate.

Anthropological type

Anthropologically, the Kumyks represent the Caspian subtype of the Caucasoid race. This also includes Azerbaijanis, Kurds of Transcaucasia, Tsakhurs, and Muslim Tats. The Caspian type is usually considered as a variety of the Mediterranean race or the Indo-Afghan race.

Ancient tribes took part in the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks - the aborigines of North-Eastern Dagestan and alien Turkic-speaking tribes, especially the Kipchaks, whose language was adopted by the aborigines. According to anthropological characteristics and the main features of culture and life, the Kumyks are close to other mountain peoples of Dagestan.

20th century studies

Soviet anthropologists classified the Kumyks as a Caucasian race and pointed out the anthropological similarities of the Kumyks with other peoples of Dagestan, contrasting them with the Mongoloid peoples. As Soviet and Russian anthropologist Valery Alekseev notes, the Caspian type, whose representatives include the Kumyks, in Dagestan almost always appears in a mixed form and therefore the peoples of central Dagestan cannot be included among the typical representatives of this variety. Regarding the Kumyks, he writes that they “they have the darkest pigmentation, which, in all likelihood, indicates the intensive participation of the Caspian type in the formation of their anthropological characteristics” .

Language

Among the dialects of the Kumyk language, Kaitag, Terek (Mozdok and Bragun Kumyks), Buynak and Khasavyurt are distinguished, and the latter two formed the basis of the literary Kumyk language.

The Kumyk language is one of the old written literary languages ​​of Dagestan. During the 20th century, the writing of the Kumyk language changed twice: the traditional Arabic script was replaced in 1929, first by the Latin alphabet, then in 1938 by the Cyrillic alphabet.

The Karachay-Balkar, Crimean Tatar and Karaite languages ​​are closest to the Kumyk language. .

The Russian language is also common among the Kumyks.

Religion

Believing Kumyks profess Sunni Islam. Most Kumyks belong to the Shafi'i madhhab, some to the Hanafi. In February 1992, as a result of a split in the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the Republic of Dagestan, the Kumyk Spiritual Administration of Muslims was formed in Makhachkala.

Economy

Kumyks are a people of settled agricultural culture. Traditional for them are arable farming, gardening, viticulture, cultivated since the 8th-9th centuries. Historically, they were also involved in cattle breeding. The land of the Kumyks can rightfully be called the breadbasket of all of Dagestan; over 70 percent of the republic’s economy is concentrated here. Almost all industry is concentrated here (instrument making, mechanical engineering, canning, winemaking, etc.). Rice growing and fishing are developed. The subsoil is rich in oil, gas, mineral springs, raw materials for building materials (glass sand, gypsum, gravel, pebbles, etc.). There are considerable recreational resources (Caspian coast, mud and mineral springs with medicinal properties). These include hydrogen sulfide (Talgi), hydrocarbonate-sodium (Kayakent), chloride, calcareous, etc.

Culture

European traveler of the 18th century. Johann Anton Gildenstedt gave a description of the life of the Kumyks of that time:

Everyone is engaged in agriculture and some cattle breeding. Their grain plants: wheat, barley, millet, oats and mainly rice, they also cultivate cotton quite often, but mostly silk is only for their own needs. Fishing is of greater importance to them than to other Tatars, and they make their subsistence easier by catching sturgeon and other fish. Many Armenians live among them, in whose hands there is a small trade in supplies [necessary] for life - Kumyk products and other necessary [things]. Their dwellings and villages, like the rest of the Caucasian ones described many times, are made of light checkered buildings with willow wickerwork.

Literature and theater

In the folk memory of the Kumyks, samples of epic (heroic, historical and everyday songs, songs of didactic content (yyr'y), fairy tales, proverbs, riddles) and lyrical (quatrain song (“saryn”) and “yas” (lamentation, lamentation) or "yas-yyr") poetry. In the pre-revolutionary period, Kumyk literature was influenced by Crimean Tatar and Tatar literature, and after the 1917 revolution the influence of Azerbaijani literature increased somewhat. In the first years of Soviet power, Kumyk literature continued traditional themes: the emancipation of man, the spiritual awakening of the people, the fight against ignorance, etc.

Cloth

Men wore thin tunic-like shirts, trousers, Circassian coats, beshmets and sheepskin coats, and women wore dresses, leather shoes, galoshes and socks, and the clothes were decorated with silver buckles, buttons, and a belt. Polsha dresses, consisting of a lower dress made of thin plain silk and an upper dress made of dense fabric with embroidery, embroidered scarves made of fine wool and silk scarves - “gulmeldas” with a characteristic pattern. Modern clothes are mainly of an urban type.

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Notes

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    Original text(Russian)

    The distribution of the Caspian group of populations in Dagestan falls on the central, eastern and southern regions. In other words, it is represented among the Lezgin-speaking peoples, among the Dargin-Kaitags and Kumyks. However, it has already been noted that neither by the color of hair and eyes, lighter than in the Azerbaijani groups, nor by the size of the zygomatic diameter, noticeably larger than in Azerbaijan, the peoples of central Dagestan can be included among the typical representatives of the Caspian type. In Dagestan, this type almost always appears in a mixed form, showing either in pigmentation, or in the width of the face, or in both of these characteristics taken together, a certain approximation to the Caucasian group of populations. Thus, the territory of Dagestan represents the periphery of the Caspian-type area, and, consequently, the formation of the anthropological composition of the listed peoples is the result of mixing of representatives of the Caspian and Caucasian groups of populations, varying in intensity. This, apparently, explains the local differences in the anthropological type of the Kumyks, Dargins and Lezgin-speaking peoples. The Kumyks have the darkest pigmentation, which, in all likelihood, indicates the intensive participation of the Caspian type in the formation of their anthropological characteristics; some Lezgin-speaking groups are moving closer to the Caucasian peoples.

52. Pieter Muysken.. - John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2008. - Vol. 90. - P. 74. - ISBN 9027231001, 9789027231000.

    Original text(Russian)

    Languages ​​used at present or in the past as lingua franca in the Caucasus
    Azeri in Southern Daghestan
    Kumyk in Northern Daghestan
    Avar in Western Daghestan
    Nogay in Northern Daghestan
    Circassian in Western Daghestan
    Russian across the Caucasus (since the second half on the 19th c.)
    ...
    Until the beginning of the 19th century Turkic Kumyk, beside Avar and Azeri, served as one of the Lingua francas in foothill and lowland Daghestan, whereas in Northern Daghestan this role was sometimes played by Nogay.

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62. Nina Stepanovna Nadyarnykh.. - Science, 2005. - P. 164.
63. (Russian), kino-teatr.ru.
64. Lev Mironovich Mints.. - Olma Media Group, 2007. - P. 276. - ISBN 5373010537, 9785373010535.

Links

Literature

• Adzhiev A. M., M.-R. A. Ibragimov. Kumyks // Peoples of Russia. Encyclopedia. M.: Scientific publishing house "Big Russian Encyclopedia", 1994. P. 214-216. ISBN 5-85270-082-7
• Kumyks // Peoples of Russia. Atlas of cultures and religions. - M.: Design. Information. Cartography, 2010. - 320 p. - ISBN 978-5-287-00718-8.
• // / Council of the Administration of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Public Relations Department; Ch. ed. R. G. Rafikov; Editorial Board: V. P. Krivonogov, R. D. Tsokaev. - 2nd ed., revised. and additional - Krasnoyarsk: Platinum (PLATINA), 2008. - 224 p. - ISBN 978-5-98624-092-3.

More than 10 million people From 1 to 10 million people From 500 thousand to 1 million people From 200 thousand to 500 thousand people From 100 thousand to 200 thousand people From 30 thousand to 100 thousand people From 10 thousand to 30 thousand people

An excerpt characterizing the Kumyks

- Well, I’ll tell you now. You know that Sonya is my friend, such a friend that I would burn my hand for her. Look at this. - She rolled up her muslin sleeve and showed a red mark on her long, thin and delicate arm under the shoulder, much above the elbow (in a place that is sometimes covered by ball gowns).
“I burned this to prove my love to her.” I just lit the ruler on fire and pressed it down.
Sitting in his former classroom, on the sofa with cushions on his arms, and looking into those desperately animated eyes of Natasha, Rostov again entered that family, children's world, which had no meaning for anyone except for him, but which gave him some of the best pleasures in life; and burning his hand with a ruler to show love did not seem useless to him: he understood and was not surprised by it.
- So what? only? - he asked.
- Well, so friendly, so friendly! Is this nonsense - with a ruler; but we are forever friends. She will love anyone, forever; but I don’t understand this, I’ll forget now.
- Well, what then?
- Yes, that’s how she loves me and you. - Natasha suddenly blushed, - well, you remember, before leaving... So she says that you forget all this... She said: I will always love him, and let him be free. It’s true that this is excellent, noble! - Yes Yes? very noble? Yes? - Natasha asked so seriously and excitedly that it was clear that what she was saying now, she had previously said with tears.
Rostov thought about it.
“I don’t take back my word on anything,” he said. - And then, Sonya is such a charm that what fool would refuse his happiness?
“No, no,” Natasha screamed. “We’ve already talked about this with her.” We knew you would say this. But this is impossible, because, you know, if you say that - you consider yourself bound by the word, then it turns out that she seemed to say it on purpose. It turns out that you are still forcibly marrying her, and it turns out completely different.
Rostov saw that all this was well thought out by them. Sonya amazed him with her beauty yesterday too. Today, having caught a glimpse of her, she seemed even better to him. She was a lovely 16-year-old girl, obviously loving him passionately (he did not doubt this for a minute). Why shouldn’t he love her now, and not even marry her, thought Rostov, but now there are so many other joys and activities! “Yes, they came up with this perfectly,” he thought, “we must remain free.”
“Well, great,” he said, “we’ll talk later.” Oh, how glad I am for you! - he added.
- Well, why didn’t you cheat on Boris? - asked the brother.
- This is nonsense! – Natasha shouted laughing. “I don’t think about him or anyone else and I don’t want to know.”
- That's how it is! So what are you doing?
- I? – Natasha asked again, and a happy smile lit up her face. -Have you seen Duport?
- No.
– Have you seen the famous Duport the dancer? Well, you won't understand. That's what I am. “Natasha took her skirt, rounding her arms, as they dance, ran a few steps, turned over, did an entreche, kicked her leg against the leg and, standing on the very tips of her socks, walked a few steps.
- Am I standing? after all, she said; but she couldn’t help herself on her tiptoes. - So that’s what I am! I will never marry anyone, but will become a dancer. But do not tell anyone.
Rostov laughed so loudly and cheerfully that Denisov from his room became envious, and Natasha could not resist laughing with him. - No, it’s good, isn’t it? – she kept saying.
- Okay, don’t you want to marry Boris anymore?
Natasha flushed. - I don’t want to marry anyone. I'll tell him the same thing when I see him.
- That's how it is! - said Rostov.
“Well, yes, it’s all nothing,” Natasha continued to chatter. - Why is Denisov good? – she asked.
- Good.
- Well, goodbye, get dressed. Is he scary, Denisov?
- Why is it scary? – asked Nicholas. - No. Vaska is nice.
- You call him Vaska - strange. And that he is very good?
- Very good.
- Well, come quickly and drink tea. Together.
And Natasha stood on tiptoe and walked out of the room the way dancers do, but smiling the way only happy 15-year-old girls smile. Having met Sonya in the living room, Rostov blushed. He didn't know how to deal with her. Yesterday they kissed in the first minute of the joy of their date, but today they felt that it was impossible to do this; he felt that everyone, his mother and sisters, looked at him questioningly and expected from him how he would behave with her. He kissed her hand and called her you - Sonya. But their eyes, having met, said “you” to each other and kissed tenderly. With her gaze she asked him for forgiveness for the fact that at Natasha’s embassy she dared to remind him of his promise and thanked him for his love. With his gaze he thanked her for the offer of freedom and said that one way or another, he would never stop loving her, because it was impossible not to love her.
“How strange it is,” said Vera, choosing a general moment of silence, “that Sonya and Nikolenka now met like strangers.” – Vera’s remark was fair, like all her comments; but like most of her remarks, everyone felt awkward, and not only Sonya, Nikolai and Natasha, but also the old countess, who was afraid of this son’s love for Sonya, which could deprive him of a brilliant party, also blushed like a girl. Denisov, to Rostov’s surprise, in a new uniform, pomaded and perfumed, appeared in the living room as dandy as he was in battle, and as amiable with ladies and gentlemen as Rostov had never expected to see him.

Returning to Moscow from the army, Nikolai Rostov was accepted by his family as the best son, hero and beloved Nikolushka; relatives - as a sweet, pleasant and respectful young man; acquaintances - like a handsome hussar lieutenant, a deft dancer and one of the best grooms in Moscow.
The Rostovs knew all of Moscow; this year the old count had enough money, because all his estates had been remortgaged, and therefore Nikolushka, having got his own trotter and the most fashionable leggings, special ones that no one else in Moscow had, and boots, the most fashionable, with the most pointed socks and little silver spurs, had a lot of fun. Rostov, returning home, experienced a pleasant feeling after some period of time trying himself on to his old living conditions. It seemed to him that he had matured and grown very much. Despair for failing to pass an exam according to the law of God, borrowing money from Gavrila for a cab driver, secret kisses with Sonya, he remembered all this as childishness, from which he was now immeasurably far away. Now he is a hussar lieutenant in a silver mentic, with a soldier's George, preparing his trotter to run, together with famous hunters, elderly, respectable. He knows a lady on the boulevard whom he goes to see in the evening. He conducted a mazurka at the Arkharovs’ ball, talked about the war with Field Marshal Kamensky, visited an English club, and was on friendly terms with a forty-year-old colonel whom Denisov introduced him to.
His passion for the sovereign weakened somewhat in Moscow, since he did not see him during this time. But he often talked about the sovereign, about his love for him, making it felt that he was not telling everything yet, that there was something else in his feelings for the sovereign that could not be understood by everyone; and with all my heart he shared the general feeling of adoration in Moscow at that time for Emperor Alexander Pavlovich, who in Moscow at that time was given the name of an angel in the flesh.
During this short stay of Rostov in Moscow, before leaving for the army, he did not become close, but on the contrary, broke up with Sonya. She was very pretty, sweet, and obviously passionately in love with him; but he was in that time of youth when there seems to be so much to do that there is no time to do it, and the young man is afraid to get involved - he values ​​​​his freedom, which he needs for many other things. When he thought about Sonya during this new stay in Moscow, he said to himself: Eh! there will be many more, many more of these, somewhere, still unknown to me. I’ll still have time to make love when I want, but now there’s no time. In addition, it seemed to him that there was something humiliating for his courage in female society. He went to balls and sororities, pretending that he was doing it against his will. Running, an English club, carousing with Denisov, a trip there - that was another matter: it was befitting of a fine hussar.
At the beginning of March, the old Count Ilya Andreich Rostov was preoccupied with arranging a dinner at an English club to receive Prince Bagration.
The Count in a dressing gown walked around the hall, giving orders to the club housekeeper and the famous Theoktistus, the senior cook of the English club, about asparagus, fresh cucumbers, strawberries, veal and fish for Prince Bagration's dinner. The Count, from the day the club was founded, was its member and foreman. He was entrusted by the club with arranging a celebration for Bagration, because rarely did anyone know how to organize a feast in such a grand manner, hospitably, especially because rarely did anyone know how and want to contribute their money if they were needed to organize the feast. The cook and housekeeper of the club listened to the count's orders with cheerful faces, because they knew that under no one else could they profit better from a dinner that cost several thousand.
- So look, put scallops, scallops in the cake, you know! “So there are three cold ones?...” asked the cook. The Count thought about it. “No less, three... mayonnaise times,” he said, bending his finger...
- So, will you order us to take large sterlets? - asked the housekeeper. - What can we do, take it if they don’t give in. Yes, my father, I forgot. After all, we need another entrée for the table. Ah, my fathers! “He grabbed his head. - Who will bring me flowers?
- Mitinka! And Mitinka! “Ride off, Mitinka, to the Moscow region,” he turned to the manager who came in at his call, “jump off to the Moscow region and now tell Maximka to dress up the corvée for the gardener. Tell them to drag all the greenhouses here and wrap them in felt. Yes, so that I have two hundred pots here by Friday.
Having given more and more different orders, he went out to rest with the countess, but remembered something else he needed, returned himself, brought back the cook and the housekeeper, and again began to give orders. A light, masculine gait and the clanking of spurs were heard at the door, and a handsome, ruddy, with a black mustache, apparently rested and well-groomed from his quiet life in Moscow, entered the young count.
- Oh, my brother! “My head is spinning,” the old man said, as if ashamed, smiling in front of his son. - At least you could help! We need more songwriters. I have music, but should I invite the gypsies? Your military brethren love this.
“Really, daddy, I think Prince Bagration, when he was preparing for the Battle of Shengraben, bothered less than you do now,” said the son, smiling.
The old count pretended to be angry. - Yes, you interpret it, you try it!
And the count turned to the cook, who, with an intelligent and respectable face, looked observantly and affectionately at father and son.
- What are young people like, eh, Feoktist? - he said, - the old people are laughing at our brother.
“Well, Your Excellency, they just want to eat well, but how to assemble and serve everything is not their business.”
“Well, well,” the count shouted, and cheerfully grabbing his son by both hands, he shouted: “So that’s it, I got you!” Now take the pair of sleighs and go to Bezukhov, and say that the count, they say, Ilya Andreich sent to ask you for fresh strawberries and pineapples. You won't get it from anyone else. It’s not there, so you go in, tell the princesses, and from there, that’s what, go to Razgulay - Ipatka the coachman knows - find Ilyushka the gypsy there, that’s what Count Orlov was dancing with, remember, in a white Cossack, and bring him back here to me.
- And bring him here with the gypsies? – Nikolai asked laughing. - Oh well!…
At this time, with silent steps, with a businesslike, preoccupied and at the same time Christianly meek look that never left her, Anna Mikhailovna entered the room. Despite the fact that every day Anna Mikhailovna found the count in a dressing gown, every time he was embarrassed in front of her and asked to apologize for his suit.
“Nothing, Count, my dear,” she said, meekly closing her eyes. “And I’ll go to Bezukhoy,” she said. “Pierre has arrived, and now we’ll get everything, Count, from his greenhouses.” I needed to see him. He sent me a letter from Boris. Thank God, Borya is now at headquarters.
The Count was delighted that Anna Mikhailovna was taking on one part of his instructions, and ordered her to pawn a small carriage.
– You tell Bezukhov to come. I'll write it down. How is he and his wife? - he asked.
Anna Mikhailovna rolled her eyes, and deep sorrow was expressed on her face...
“Ah, my friend, he is very unhappy,” she said. “If what we heard is true, it’s terrible.” And did we think when we rejoiced so much at his happiness! And such a lofty, heavenly soul, this young Bezukhov! Yes, I feel sorry for him from the bottom of my heart and will try to give him the consolation that will depend on me.
- What is it? - asked both Rostov, the elder and the younger.
Anna Mikhailovna took a deep breath: “Dolokhov, Marya Ivanovna’s son,” she said in a mysterious whisper, “they say he has completely compromised her.” He took him out, invited him to his house in St. Petersburg, and so... She came here, and this head-off man followed her,” said Anna Mikhailovna, wanting to express her sympathy for Pierre, but in involuntary intonations and a half-smile, showing sympathy for the head-off man, like she named Dolokhov. “They say that Pierre himself is completely overwhelmed by his grief.”
“Well, just tell him to come to the club and everything will clear up.” The feast will be a mountain.
The next day, March 3, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, 250 members of the English Club and 50 guests were expecting their dear guest and hero of the Austrian campaign, Prince Bagration, for dinner. At first, upon receiving news of the Battle of Austerlitz, Moscow was perplexed. At that time, the Russians were so accustomed to victories that, having received the news of defeat, some simply did not believe it, while others sought explanations for such a strange event in some unusual reasons. In the English Club, where everything that was noble, with correct information and weight gathered, in December, when news began to arrive, nothing was said about the war and about the last battle, as if everyone had agreed to remain silent about it. People who gave direction to the conversations, such as: Count Rostopchin, Prince Yuri Vladimirovich Dolgoruky, Valuev, gr. Markov, book. Vyazemsky, did not show up at the club, but gathered at home, in their intimate circles, and Muscovites, speaking from other people’s voices (to which Ilya Andreich Rostov belonged), were left for a short time without a definite judgment about the cause of war and without leaders. Muscovites felt that something was wrong and that it was difficult to discuss this bad news, and therefore it was better to remain silent. But after a while, as the jury left the deliberation room, the aces who gave their opinions in the club appeared, and everything began to speak clearly and definitely. The reasons were found for the incredible, unheard of and impossible event that the Russians were beaten, and everything became clear, and in all corners of Moscow they began to say the same thing. These reasons were: the betrayal of the Austrians, the poor food supply of the army, the betrayal of the Pole Pshebyshevsky and the Frenchman Langeron, the inability of Kutuzov, and (they said on the sly) the youth and inexperience of the sovereign, who trusted himself to bad and insignificant people. But the troops, the Russian troops, everyone said, were extraordinary and performed miracles of courage. Soldiers, officers, generals were heroes. But the hero of heroes was Prince Bagration, famous for his Shengraben affair and his retreat from Austerlitz, where he alone led his column undisturbed and spent the whole day repelling an enemy twice as strong. The fact that Bagration was chosen as a hero in Moscow was also facilitated by the fact that he had no connections in Moscow and was a stranger. In his person due honor was given to a fighting, simple, without connections and intrigues, Russian soldier, still associated with the memories of the Italian campaign with the name of Suvorov. In addition, in bestowing such honors on him, the dislike and disapproval of Kutuzov was best shown.
“If there were no Bagration, il faudrait l"inventer, [it would be necessary to invent him.] - said the joker Shinshin, parodying the words of Voltaire. No one spoke about Kutuzov, and some scolded him in a whisper, calling him a court turntable and an old satyr. Throughout Moscow repeated the words of Prince Dolgorukov: “sculpt, sculpt and stick around,” who was consoled in our defeat by the memory of previous victories, and Rostopchin’s words were repeated about the fact that French soldiers must be excited to battle with pompous phrases, that one must reason logically with the Germans, convincing them that It is more dangerous to run than to go forward; but the Russian soldiers just need to be held back and be quiet! From all sides new and new stories were heard about individual examples of courage shown by our soldiers and officers at Austerlitz. He saved the banner, he killed 5 French. , he alone loaded 5 cannons. They also said about Berg, who did not know him, that he, wounded in his right hand, took his sword in his left and went forward, they did not say anything about Bolkonsky, and only those who knew him closely regretted that he was early. died, leaving a pregnant wife and an eccentric father.

On March 3, in all the rooms of the English Club there was a groan of talking voices and, like bees on spring migration, scurried back and forth, sat, stood, converged and dispersed, in uniforms, tailcoats and some others in powder and caftans, members and guests of the club . Powdered, stockinged and booted footmen in livery stood at every door and strained to catch every movement of the guests and members of the club in order to offer their services. Most of those present were old, respectable people with wide, self-confident faces, thick fingers, firm movements and voices. This kind of guests and members sat in well-known, familiar places and met in well-known, familiar circles. A small part of those present consisted of random guests - mainly young people, among whom were Denisov, Rostov and Dolokhov, who was again a Semyonov officer. On the faces of the youth, especially the military, there was an expression of that feeling of contemptuous respect for the elderly, which seems to say to the old generation: we are ready to respect and honor you, but remember that after all, the future belongs to us.
Nesvitsky was there, like an old member of the club. Pierre, who, at the orders of his wife, had let his hair grow, had taken off his glasses and was dressed fashionably, but with a sad and despondent look, walked through the halls. He, as everywhere else, was surrounded by an atmosphere of people who worshiped his wealth, and he treated them with the habit of kingship and absent-minded contempt.
According to his years, he should have been with the young; according to his wealth and connections, he was a member of the circles of old, respectable guests, and therefore he moved from one circle to another.
The most important old men formed the center of the circles, to which even strangers respectfully approached to listen to famous people. Large circles were formed around Count Rostopchin, Valuev and Naryshkin. Rostopchin talked about how the Russians were crushed by the fleeing Austrians and had to make their way through the fugitives with a bayonet.
Valuev confidentially said that Uvarov was sent from St. Petersburg in order to find out the opinion of Muscovites about Austerlitz.
In the third circle, Naryshkin spoke about a meeting of the Austrian military council, in which Suvorov crowed the rooster in response to the stupidity of the Austrian generals. Shinshin, who was standing right there, wanted to joke, saying that Kutuzov, apparently, could not learn this simple art of cock-crow from Suvorov; but the old men looked sternly at the joker, letting him feel that here and today it was so indecent to talk about Kutuzov.
Count Ilya Andreich Rostov, anxiously, hurriedly walked in his soft boots from the dining room to the living room, hastily and in exactly the same way greeting important and unimportant persons whom he knew all, and occasionally looking for his slender young son with his eyes, joyfully resting his gaze on him and winked at him. Young Rostov stood at the window with Dolokhov, whom he had recently met and whose acquaintance he valued. The old count approached them and shook Dolokhov's hand.
- You are welcome to me, you know my fellow... together there, together they were heroes... A! Vasily Ignatich... is very old,” he turned to a passing old man, but before he could finish his greeting, everything began to stir, and a footman who came running, with a frightened face, reported: “You’re here!”
The bells rang out; the sergeants rushed forward; The guests scattered in different rooms, like shaken rye on a shovel, crowded into one heap and stopped in the large living room at the door of the hall.
Bagration appeared at the front door, without his hat and sword, which, according to club custom, he left with the doorman. He was not in a smushkov cap with a whip over his shoulder, as Rostov saw him on the night before the Battle of Austerlitz, but in a new narrow uniform with Russian and foreign orders and with the Star of St. George on the left side of his chest. Apparently, before lunch, he had cut his hair and sideburns, which changed his face unfavorably. There was something naively festive on his face, which, in combination with his firm, courageous features, even gave a somewhat comic expression to his face. Bekleshov and Fyodor Petrovich Uvarov, who had arrived with him, stopped at the door, wanting him, as the main guest, to go ahead of them. Bagration was confused, not wanting to take advantage of their politeness; There was a stop at the door, and finally Bagration still walked forward. He walked, not knowing where to put his hands, shyly and awkwardly, along the parquet floor of the reception room: it was more familiar and easier for him to walk under bullets across a plowed field, as he walked in front of the Kursk regiment in Shengraben. The elders met him at the first door, telling him a few words about the joy of seeing such a dear guest, and without waiting for his answer, as if taking possession of him, they surrounded him and led him into the living room. In the doorway of the living room there was no way to pass from the crowded members and guests, crushing each other and trying over each other’s shoulders, like a rare animal, to look at Bagration. Count Ilya Andreich, the most energetic of all, laughing and saying: “Let me go, mon cher, let me go, let me go,” pushed through the crowd, led the guests into the living room and seated them on the middle sofa. The aces, the most honorable members of the club, surrounded the new arrivals. Count Ilya Andreich, again pushing through the crowd, left the living room and a minute later appeared with another foreman, carrying a large silver dish, which he presented to Prince Bagration. On the platter lay poems composed and printed in honor of the hero. Bagration, seeing the dish, looked around in fear, as if looking for help. But in all eyes there was a demand that he submit. Feeling himself in their power, Bagration resolutely, with both hands, took the dish and angrily, reproachfully looked at the count who was presenting it. Someone helpfully took the dish out of Bagration’s hands (otherwise he seemed to intend to keep it like that until the evening and go to the table like that) and drew his attention to the poems. “Well, I’ll read it,” Bagration seemed to say and, fixing his tired eyes on the paper, he began to read with a concentrated and serious look. The writer himself took the poems and began to read. Prince Bagration bowed his head and listened.
"Glory to Alexander age
And protect us Titus on the throne,
Be a terrible leader and a kind person,
Ripheus is in his fatherland and Caesar is on the battlefield.
Yes, happy Napoleon,
Having learned through experience what Bagration is like,
Alkidov doesn’t dare bother the Russians any more...”
But he had not yet finished the verses when the loud butler announced: “The food is ready!” The door opened, a Polish voice thundered from the dining room: “Roll out the thunder of victory, rejoice, brave Ross,” and Count Ilya Andreich, looking angrily at the author, who continued to read poetry, bowed to Bagration. Everyone stood up, feeling that dinner was more important than poetry, and again Bagration went to the table ahead of everyone. In the first place, between the two Alexanders - Bekleshov and Naryshkin, which also had significance in relation to the name of the sovereign, Bagration was seated: 300 people were seated in the dining room according to rank and importance, who was more important, closer to the guest being honored: as naturally as water spills deeper there, where the terrain is lower.
Just before dinner, Count Ilya Andreich introduced his son to the prince. Bagration, recognizing him, said several awkward, awkward words, like all the words he spoke that day. Count Ilya Andreich joyfully and proudly looked around at everyone while Bagration spoke with his son.
Nikolai Rostov, Denisov and his new acquaintance Dolokhov sat down together almost in the middle of the table. Pierre sat opposite them next to Prince Nesvitsky. Count Ilya Andreich sat opposite Bagration with other elders and treated the prince, personifying Moscow hospitality.
His labors were not in vain. His dinners, fast and fast, were magnificent, but he still could not be completely calm until the end of dinner. He winked at the barman, whispered orders to the footmen, and, not without excitement, awaited each dish he knew. Everything was amazing. On the second course, along with the gigantic sterlet (when Ilya Andreich saw it, he blushed with joy and shyness), the footmen began popping the corks and pouring champagne. After the fish, which made some impression, Count Ilya Andreich exchanged glances with the other elders. - “There will be a lot of toasts, it’s time to start!” – he whispered and took the glass in his hands and stood up. Everyone fell silent and waited for him to speak.
- Health of the Emperor! - he shouted, and at that very moment his kind eyes were moistened with tears of joy and delight. At that very moment they started playing: “Roll the thunder of victory.” Everyone stood up from their seats and shouted hurray! and Bagration shouted hurray! in the same voice with which he shouted on the Shengraben field. The enthusiastic voice of young Rostov was heard from behind all 300 voices. He almost cried. “The health of the Emperor,” he shouted, “hurray!” – Having drunk his glass in one gulp, he threw it on the floor. Many followed his example. And the loud screams continued for a long time. When the voices fell silent, the footmen picked up the broken dishes, and everyone began to sit down, smiling at their shouts and talking to each other. Count Ilya Andreich stood up again, looked at the note lying next to his plate and proposed a toast to the health of the hero of our last campaign, Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Bagration, and again the count’s blue eyes were moistened with tears. Hooray! the voices of 300 guests shouted again, and instead of music, singers were heard singing a cantata composed by Pavel Ivanovich Kutuzov.
“All obstacles for the Russians are in vain,
Bravery is the key to victory,
We have Bagrations,
All enemies will be at your feet,” etc.
The singers had just finished when more and more toasts followed, during which Count Ilya Andreich became more and more emotional, and even more dishes were broken, and even more shouting. They drank to the health of Bekleshov, Naryshkin, Uvarov, Dolgorukov, Apraksin, Valuev, to the health of the foremen, to the health of the manager, to the health of all club members, to the health of all club guests, and finally, separately to the health of the founder of the dinner, Count Ilya Andreich. At this toast, the count took out a handkerchief and, covering his face with it, completely burst into tears.

Pierre sat opposite Dolokhov and Nikolai Rostov. He ate a lot and greedily and drank a lot, as always. But those who knew him briefly saw that some big change had taken place in him that day. He was silent the entire time of dinner and, squinting and wincing, looked around him or, stopping his eyes, with an air of complete absent-mindedness, rubbed the bridge of his nose with his finger. His face was sad and gloomy. He seemed to not see or hear anything happening around him, and was thinking about something alone, heavy and unresolved.
This unresolved question that tormented him, there were hints from the princess in Moscow about Dolokhov’s closeness to his wife and this morning the anonymous letter he received, in which it was said with that vile playfulness that is characteristic of all anonymous letters that he sees poorly through his glasses, and that his wife’s connection with Dolokhov is a secret only to him. Pierre resolutely did not believe either the princess’s hints or the letter, but he was now afraid to look at Dolokhov, who was sitting in front of him. Every time his gaze accidentally met Dolokhov’s beautiful, insolent eyes, Pierre felt something terrible, ugly rising in his soul, and he quickly turned away. Unwittingly remembering everything that had happened with his wife and her relationship with Dolokhov, Pierre saw clearly that what was said in the letter could be true, could at least seem true if it did not concern his wife. Pierre involuntarily recalled how Dolokhov, to whom everything was returned after the campaign, returned to St. Petersburg and came to him. Taking advantage of his carousing friendship with Pierre, Dolokhov came directly to his house, and Pierre accommodated him and lent him money. Pierre recalled how Helen, smiling, expressed her displeasure that Dolokhov lived in their house, and how Dolokhov cynically praised the beauty of his wife, and how from that time until his arrival in Moscow he was not separated from them for a minute.
“Yes, he is very handsome,” thought Pierre, I know him. It would be a special delight for him to dishonor my name and laugh at me, precisely because I worked for him and looked after him, helped him. I know, I understand what salt this should give to his deception in his eyes, if it were true. Yes, if it were true; but I don’t believe, I don’t have the right and I can’t believe.” He recalled the expression that Dolokhov's face took on when moments of cruelty came over him, like those in which he tied up a policeman with a bear and set him afloat, or when he challenged a man to a duel without any reason, or killed a coachman's horse with a pistol. . This expression was often on Dolokhov's face when he looked at him. “Yes, he’s a brute,” thought Pierre, it doesn’t mean anything to him to kill a man, it must seem to him that everyone is afraid of him, he must be pleased with this. He must think that I am afraid of him too. And really I’m afraid of him,” thought Pierre, and again with these thoughts he felt something terrible and ugly rising in his soul. Dolokhov, Denisov and Rostov were now sitting opposite Pierre and seemed very cheerful. Rostov chatted merrily with his two friends, one of whom was a dashing hussar, the other a famous raider and rake, and occasionally glanced mockingly at Pierre, who at this dinner impressed with his concentrated, absent-minded, massive figure. Rostov looked at Pierre unkindly, firstly, because Pierre, in his hussar eyes, was a rich civilian, the husband of a beauty, generally a woman; secondly, because Pierre, in the concentration and distraction of his mood, did not recognize Rostov and did not respond to his bow. When they began to drink the sovereign's health, Pierre, lost in thought, did not get up and take the glass.

The problem of the origin of the Kumyks in Soviet ideology and historiography

Over the past century, much has been done in studying the ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Turkic peoples of Russia. However, the Marxist-Leninist methodology adopted by the communists after establishing their power in Russia and carried out for several decades "Leninist national policy" opened the way to various pseudo-historical hypotheses and shameless falsifications of the history of these peoples.

The favorite subject of communist ideologists and historians of this school were questions of ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Kumyks, according to Academician. A.N. Kononova, "one of the most ancient Turkic peoples of the Caucasus."

To understand the reasons for this, it is necessary to make a short excursion into history and understand the essence of ethnogenetic concepts that grew, so to speak, on "experimental field" world-assimilationist "communist project" the creation, according to Moscow Kremlin patterns, of a new Eurasian historical community in the person of the Soviet people and its regional specific sub-communities.

* * *

The issues of studying the origin of the Kumyks in Russia and abroad have a solid history. Kumykia and Kumyks were very early included in their "scientific ecumene". Since the times of Adam Olearius, Evliya Celebi, Jacob Reynegs and M.V. Lomonosov, scientists have been interested in the origins of the Kumyks and their rulers. And from the beginning of the 19th century. This theme was paid tribute by the Germans J. Klaproth, Blaramberg, the French Leon Cahen, De Guigne, the Englishman Arthur Lumley Davids, the Pole S. Bronevsky, the Russians I. Berezin, B. Lobanov-Rostovsky. In this row are our Devlet-Mirza Sheikh-Ali and Abas-Kuli Bakikhanov. Domestic and foreign scientists A. Vamberi, Dzhevdet Pasha, R. Erkert, N. Aristov, I. Pantyukhov, P. Svidersky, Jamalutdin-Hadzhi Karabudakhkentli and others subsequently contributed to the development of the problems of the origin of the Kumyks.

In many ways generally accepted The concept in pre-revolutionary (before 1917-1920) historiography was the concept of the Hun-Khazar (Turkic) origin of the Kumyks and their language, supported by a solid source study and research base.

* * *

The repressions of the 30s almost completely eliminated the first generation of the national intelligentsia of the Kumyks, Balkars, Karachais, including historians, archaeologists, ethnographers, linguists, on charges of “pan-Turkism” precisely because they studied the history, folklore, language and national culture of their peoples, emphasized their historicity, ethnocultural identity, heroic past, Turkic-genetic kinship and the need for unity and closer cultural ties of related peoples.

* * *

* * *

Although in the post-war 50s “Marrism” itself in science and in particular in linguistics was criticized and rejected by Stalin himself, Marrov’s “concept” of the origin of the Kumyks, Azerbaijanis, Karachais, Balkars, Meskhetian Turks, along with the bogeyman of “pan-Turkism” in Soviet propaganda was revived and demanded, obviously, for the same political “nation-building” purposes. According to the logic of the “neo-Marrist” historians, it turned out that neither the Turkic people in the Caucasus, but all entirely “Turkicized” Caucasians (Avars, Albanians, Dargins, Alan-speaking Ossetians, Georgians and others) and had little in common (except, of course, what they took into account "debt" of the native language) have with other Turks. What are the reasons for this "triumphal procession" Marrovian ideas in Soviet historical science? We think there were several non-academic, parascientific reasons, internal and external.

However, in the early 50s, in connection with the well-known “decemalization” of the country and the official course towards the establishment in Turkey of a Western European liberal-democratic multi-party model, in the socio-political and cultural life of the country it turned out to be largely in demand. Turkism, the main ideologist of which is the famous Turkish writer Nihal Atsiz (1905-1975). During these years, he developed vigorous activity to promote Turkism, which, obviously, was noticed by the USSR.

On the other hand, after the death of Stalin and in connection with the process of “de-Stalinization,” there was a revival of the socio-political and cultural life of the Turkic peoples in the USSR, which, apparently, frightened the orthodox leadership of the CPSU quite a bit. Turkism in the 2nd Great Soviet Encyclopedia (TSE, 1955), published in these years, by inertia, is given the following definition: “Pan-Turkism is a chauvinistic doctrine of the Turkish reactionary bourgeois-landlord circles, which aims to subjugate all peoples speaking Turkic languages ​​to the power of Turkey: Apologists of Pan-Turkism, by falsifying history, tried to prove the thesis they put forward about "national unity" of all Turkic-speaking peoples and about their “racial superiority” (23, vol. 32, p. 13). It followed from this that Turkism must be fought mercilessly, especially against falsifications of history, and against the idea of ​​​​the unity of origin of the Turkic peoples.

* * *

In 1955, a collection was published in Moscow "Peoples of Dagestan", the materials of which were subsequently fully included in the collection "Peoples of the Caucasus"(M. 1960). Both publications, of course, were sanctioned by the ideological department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and underwent the necessary peer review. The section dedicated to the peoples of Dagestan of the second collection was provided with an introductory article by the then first secretary of the regional committee of the CPSU (b) A. Daniyalov, which gave the articles in this section the status of officially accepted materials. In an essay dedicated to the Kumyks, then-beginning historian S.Sh. Gadzhieva, for the first time after N. Marr and, quite understandably, without reference to the genius of parascientific hoaxes exposed by the “leader of the peoples” himself, nevertheless reproduced his “concept” of the origin of the Kumyks. We reproduce in full a fragment of the essay related to the issue under consideration:

Nevertheless, it is clear that the position and argumentation of the above-mentioned scientists in that specific situation of the dominance of ideology over historiography and the focus of Soviet national policy on achieving metahistorical goals could not be supported and developed. Moreover, they deserved to be condemned as “anti-scientific.”

What goals and objectives were set for the developers of the new concept of the origin of the Kumyks? We can assume that in developing this “theory”, Y. Fedorov and his followers pursued a dual goal: 1) to justify the possibility of the Kumyks breaking away from the Turkic world and Turkism, and thereby deal the second crushing blow to the Crimean Tatars, Karachais and Balkars after the deportation of Turkism in the South of Russia and the North Caucasus; 2) “dissolve” the Kumyks in the new Dagestan community, and their history (and the history of the Turks in general) in the general Caucasian history or the histories of the corresponding territories.

Voicing the tasks of academic scientists in those years, one of the famous Dagestan historians wrote the following:

In fact, this did not mean scientific opposition, but a political “sentence” to all those scientists (A. Satybalov, S. T. Tokarev, L. I. Lavrov, etc.) who “dared to have their own opinion” and did not share the “Dagestan” the concept of the origin of the ancestors of the Kumyks. For according to the logic of our scientist, it turned out that their views, which did not correspond to the official concept, fell under his own definition "anti-scientific fabrications of modern ideologists of pan-Turkism". And there is nothing to say about Turkish scientists (their works were hardly accessible to the Dagestanis, including this scientist himself, at that time) and there is nothing to say; by virtue of their mere belonging to the Turks (“foolish Khazars”, “filthy Polovtsians”) they deserved nothing other than being labeled "reactionary historians".

Thus, we can see that Khrushchev’s “thaw”, although it had a significant impact on the development of historical science in Dagestan, practically made few changes in the writing of genuine ethnic histories of peoples, including the Kumyks.

Local historical and historical-ethnographic works ("Derbent-name", "The Kumyk's story about the Kumyks", Tarikh-i Karabudakhkent va Kafkasia") were not in demand and were introduced into scientific circulation. Completed in the early 50s, the work of the historian A. Tamaya "Essay on the history of the Kumyks" (volume - 10 author's sheets) remained unpublished.

In 1957 they were published for the first time "Essays on the history of Dagestan", which again represented not the history of peoples, but the history of the territory occupied by the republic. The main purpose of the publication was to find an adequate past for this territory. They also included a direct or indirect ban on covering certain topics (Khazar Kaganate, national liberation movement, Turkism, etc.) The main thing is how they differed from previous publications - they were filled with more or less specific historical content, adopted "the idea of ​​Caucasian Albania (Dagestan as part of Caucasian Albania), as the ancestral homeland of the ancestors of the Caucasian-speaking Dagestanis. And at the same time, in the “essays”, quite in the spirit of the fight against “pan-Turkism” and for many centuries, the tested mainstream of previous Turkophobic negativist concepts, the role of the Huns, Khazaria, and all Turkic-speaking tribes was considered. Another scientific delight, or “achievement” of scientists who were afraid of accidentally stirring up the historical memory of the Turks, was only the idea that “in some sources, under the name "White Huns" (obviously, from the fact that they are still called white in the sources. - K.A.) it is the local population (one must understand: Dagestan-speaking. - K.A.) of the North-Eastern Caucasus, who became dependent on the northern nomads, that stands out." (see: pp. 30, 31, 40) In the “essays” the issues of ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the peoples of Dagestan were diplomatically avoided. Another distinctive feature of the “essays” was that the subject of history in them was identified as the ethnically impersonal “peoples of Dagestan”. ".

At the end of the 70s, based on the revision of "Essays on History", an academic four-volume "History of Dagestan" (M. 1967). In terms of showing the ethnic history of the peoples of the republic, it also did not give anything new; rather, on the contrary - in some respects, in this work, a step was taken in comparison with the "Essays", which, for all their shortcomings, were still the brainchild of the "thaw". In the publication, historical events were still mainly adjusted to the all-Union scheme; national and regional features were not identified. As an exception, perhaps, we can consider the work "Kumyks" by S. Sh. Gadzhieva. For that time, the very fact of generalizing the aggregate material about individual peoples was of great importance, despite the vulnerability of some methodological positions, and especially on the problem of the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks (more on this below).

* * *

Perhaps, in this same series, we should note the first publication of an ethnographic essay by a Kumyk historian of the 19th century by S. Sh. Gadzhieva. Devlet-Mirza Sheikh-Ali "The Kumyk's story about the Kumyks"(M.-la.1993), as well as publication (the same for the first time since the publication of 1896) "Derbent-name" Muhammad Avabi Aktashly, carried out in 1992 by orientalist G.M.-R. Orazaev. Previously, he published the text of this historical work with comments in the Kumyk literary and artistic magazine "Tang-Cholpan".

Nevertheless, these works, with all their inevitable errors and shortcomings, in their totality still seriously shook the position of historians of Dagestan ("Marrists") and allowed us to fundamentally rethink, more comprehensively and adequately look at the ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Kumyks. In fact, as a result of the efforts of the original national Kumyk intelligentsia, which was revived by this period, by the 70-80s, the phenomenon of Turkism arose (reborn) in the public consciousness, if you like, its variety - Kumykism. But a completely different topic that requires separate consideration.

* * *

What is this concept today, and on what basic principles is it based? Briefly, its essence boils down to the following.

According to one hypothesis existing in Dagestan studies, on the territory of Kumykia, that is, the current lowland Dagestan, starting from the 7th century. BC e. and until the 11th-13th centuries, supposedly ancient Dagestan tribes were settled, speaking related languages, by which ancient sources already meant "legs" And "gelov". Only later, mainly in connection with the penetration and dominance in Northern Dagestan in the 11th-13th centuries. Kipchaks, here - as a result of the linguistic assimilation by the Turks of the Dargin-speaking ("Gels") population in the south (S. Sh. Gadzhieva, G. S. Fedorov-Guseinov) and the Avar-speaking ("Legi") in the north (O. M. Davudov) - the modern Turkic Kumyk people arose.

This concept consists of several main provisions, namely: 1) total Caucasian language ancient and early medieval settled population of Kumykia, i.e. flat Dagestan; 2) the first and permanent inhabitants in the territory of the North-Eastern Caucasus from the primitive communal system are Dagestan-speaking tribes (the authors of such a “discovery” were ridiculed by the Kumyk prose writer Kh.I. Bammatuli, caustically noting that the first inhabitants of lowland Dagestan were kumykosaurs); 3) outlandishness all foreign-language (Scythians, Sarmatians, Turks) tribes in the North-Eastern Caucasus; 4) Mongoloid character of all Turks (Hunno-Bulgars, Khazars, Polovtsians and others) in their anthropological type; 5) Turkification (de-ethnicization) the supposedly Caucasian-speaking autochthonous population of the plains and foothills that dominated here; 6) Kipchak-speaking Turkic tribes, who played a decisive role in the Turkification of the Caucasian-speaking ancestors of the Kumyks, first penetrated the North Caucasus only in the 11th-12th centuries; 7) denial of the existence of the ethnonym "kumuk" earlier than the 16th century. and its elevation to the name of the settlement Kumukh in the current Laksky region of Dagestan.

If, in fact, then this concept is a mechanical combination of these individual provisions without a detailed analysis of all available historical facts that are not consistent with this concept, without taking into account linguistic and onomastic data, and most importantly, without determining the ethnic composition of the population, ethnic components and their relationship in the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks in various historical periods and without a specific historical periodization of the ethnogenetic process that led to the formation of the Kumyk early feudal people and its language.

We will not dwell in detail on the listed provisions, because for each of them there are many counterarguments. However, we will briefly present arguments indicating the inconsistency of this seemingly accepted concept.

From here it is not difficult to notice that the thesis about the Turkic origin of the Kumyks “sags” in the air. It is known that the main linguistic thesaurus is usually inherited from the language of the component that was leading and decisive in the ethnogenesis of a given ethnic group. The Kumyks are originally a Turkic people, in whose ethnogenesis the Turkic component was the leading and decisive one. For this reason, the Kumyk language turns out to be the closest of the Turkic languages ​​to the ancient Turkic language. In the Kumyk language, its grammatical structure and basic vocabulary represent the development of the heritage received from the base language of the ancient Turkic tribes of the first centuries of our era, before the beginning of their intensive dialect divergence.

Thus, the Caucasian anthropological type of the Kumyks is not an argument against their Turkic identity.

And finally about the thesis of the arrival of the Turks, which supporters of the concept we criticize like to speculate on, accusing their opponents, who insist on the Turkic origin of the Kumyks, of almost “undermining” the ethnic roots of the Kumyk people in their “ancestral lands.” Dagestan scholars are right that the Kumyks are indeed a local, autochthonous people. And you need to agree with them. But, agreeing with them, it should be said that the Kumyks, in addition to this, were also originally a Turkic people in the Caucasus.

It is also generally accepted that the “newcomers” (from Western Asia) on the territory of Dagestan are the Dagestan-speaking peoples themselves. In addition, these opponents should take into account that According to international law, the original, indigenous peoples are those who lived in a certain territory before the start of the colonial era in the 15th century. As we see, civilized societies do not consider it necessary to push the problem of “primordiality” deeper than this date - it seems to be a waste of time. Let me give you an example. In ancient times, the Celtic language was spoken in France, but this territory was captured by the ancient Romans and the local language became Latin. Modern French was formed on the basis of Latin. Then the territory was captured by Frankish tribes, and the name of the country changed. England in the 11th century. captured by the Normans. But, in turn, the Anglo-Saxons, their predecessors, were also conquerors, because Celtic tribes lived there before them. So, which of them should be considered alien, “eternal” Englishmen? Let's take our own history. In the first centuries of our era, Scythian-Sarmatian tribes dominated in the North-Western Caspian region and the Northern Caucasus, then dominance alternately passed to Turkic (Hunnic, Hun-Bulgarian, Khazar, Kipchak) tribes, which, as is known, were "builders of steppe empires", inhabited and equipped for centuries, counting "eternal Turkic Ale", a huge geographical space of Eurasia from Altai to the Danube. So can they be considered “newcomers” in Eurasia? Where is their original “own” land? In any case, not only in Altai and not only in the North-Eastern Caucasus. Therefore, it is preferable for our historians to talk about the homeland of the Turks, including the ancestors of the Kumyks, not with the size of several hectares of kutans, leased from time immemorial by Shauhal Tarkovsky, but about the vast historical ethnoarea between the Danube, Crimea, Temir Kapu (Derbent), the Volga region, the Middle Asia and Altai. After all, it is known that the thesis about “newness” was invented not for good purposes, but to justify someone’s expansionist plans.

Thus, a critical analysis of the above concept of the Kumyks leads us to the conclusion that it is not suitable for explaining the ethnogenesis of the Kumyks. Moreover, this concept excludes from the ethnic process on the territory of lowland Dagestan not only the proto-Turkic tribes, but also the Scythians and Sarmatians, who undoubtedly played an important role in the ethnogenetic processes throughout the North Caucasus and, as scientific research has irrefutably established, were partly Turkic-speaking.

It is this proto-Turkic ethnic core that should be considered the original ancient component of the Kumyks, which later, in the early Middle Ages, consolidating with the new wave of Turks who penetrated here, laid the foundation for the formation of the Kumyk people. It is clear that, if there had not been such a Turkic core here already in the first centuries AD. e., the “Huns of Attila” could not have been here already in the 3rd-4th centuries. consolidate and create the first Turkic state entity known throughout the Caucasus and Western Asia - the Caucasian Gunnia.

* * *

Summarizing, it should be noted that the French geographer Albert Sorel wrote at the beginning of the last century that the 20th century began with the discovery of the Turks in history and the geographical poles in science. By analogy, we can say that for the Kumyks, the 20th century began with their active inclusion in the movement of all-Turkic cultural revenge and the triumphant march of new method (usul-i jedid) education among the Kumyks (as a result, as the 1926 census shows, they were the most literate people in the North Caucasus), book printing and the widespread dissemination of book culture among the population. This century has ended after 70 years of wandering on the path to achieving the ephemeral triumph of the “kingdom of freedom” (socialism) return to Turkism and the revival of their original ethno-civilizational identity... This is a difficult and long path of self-preservation and self-renewal. But all the peoples who want to be follow it. "not only well-fed, but eternal" (Ch. Aitmatov).

For the uninitiated, the confrontation between two currents in the study of ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Kumyks may remain a mystery: opinions are expressed that all this is “from the evil one” and an unnecessary waste of time, because in Dagestan and more broadly in Russia, a “divorce” between ideology and historiography is hardly achievable . But one thing is obvious: there is a struggle between the nationally self-conscious part of our scientific intelligentsia and an ideologically biased group of traditionalist scientists who emerged, as they say, from Stalin’s “overcoat.” It is clear that behind the ideological confrontation is the desire of scientists thinking in a new way to change the national self-consciousness of the people through the transformation of their historical consciousness, in the past period, for the sake of global assimilation projects, subjected to severe deformation. They understand perfectly well that if the ethnogenetic constructions of the “neo-Marrists” continue to dominate in the coverage of the origins and ethnic history of the Kumyks, then their people will inevitably become de-ethnicized, perhaps forever losing their original Turkic identity and ethnic self-awareness. We all need to realize this very clearly and, having realized it, resist it with all our might.

These Marrovian “utopias” had deeply negative consequences for the Kumyk national identity. Moreover, they had a negative impact on the spiritual state of the people, negatively influencing not only the study of issues of their origin, but also the coverage of the stages of development of history and culture. They led to the deheroization of their glorious ancestors, the severing of the connection between times and generations, the introduction of the image "foolish Khazars", "filthy Polovtsians", the image of a “predatory conqueror and destroyer of civilizations.” All these falsifications of the ethnic history of the Kumyks, especially the false, tendentious etymologies of their self-name, the search and “sleeping” of other people’s ancestors and genealogies on them, preventing the development of their truly national self-awareness, inspires a certain part of the Kumyks with inferiority and inferiority complexes.

Kumyks are one of the oldest and third largest people of Dagestan. Unlike other Caucasian peoples, the Kumyks are Turkic and occupy the position of the largest Turkic ethnic group in the North Caucasus. The dominant cultural influence of the Kumyks in the region was reflected in the customs of neighboring peoples, many of whom subsequently adopted the Kumyk language.

Where they live, number

Historically, the Kumyks occupied a vast territory of the Kumyk plane. The region was distinguished by fertile lands, excellent climate, and was located at the intersection of trade routes, including the Silk. This gave the Kumyks excellent opportunities for development, but made them a target for territorial encroachment by neighboring states.
According to the 2010 census, there are more than 503,000 Kumyks living in Russia. The main part of the ethnic group, about 431,000 people, occupies the historical settlement territories in the north of Dagestan, which have been reduced in the process of oppression. Number of Kumyks in other regions of Russia:

• Tyumen region (including Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug and Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug) - 18,668 people.
• North Ossetia - 16,092 people.
• Chechnya - 12,221 people.
• Stavropol Territory - 5,639 people.
• Moscow and Moscow region - 3,973 people.

A significant part of the people migrated from their historical territory of residence to Turkey, Syria, and Jordan. The reasons were the Caucasian War, the establishment of Soviet power, and the officially unrecognized repressions of the forties of the last century.

Story

There are several versions of the origin of the Kumyk people:

1. Kumyks appeared in the region together with the Kipchaks in XII-XIII.
2. The people of the Khazars entered the region, assimilating the local population.
3. Kumyks are mountaineers who historically lived in the region and were subject to Turkization.
4. The Kumyks are an autochthonous population of Dagestan, since the ancient author Pliny mentioned the Kamak people in works dating back to the first century of the new era.

The interaction of Turkic and Caucasian tribes with the indigenous peoples of the North Caucasus by the 17th century led to the completion of the formation of the Kumyk ethnic group. Until this time, the following states were formed and disintegrated in the territory of settlement of the nationality: Dzhidan, Tyumen Khanate, Tarkov Shamkhalate, Utamysh Sultanate and others.

In the 16th century, the struggle for the attractive territories of the Kumyk plane began on the part of Iran, the Ottoman Empire and Russia. The Kumyks, united with the neighboring Nogais, tried to repel the advancing armies, but the forces were unequal. In 1725, Shamkhaldom was defeated and devastated: about 20 villages were burned, including the capital Tarki.
The Caucasian War forced the local peoples to unite: the Kumyks showed themselves to be brave and courageous warriors, organizing anti-Russian uprisings from 1818 to 1878. It is important to note that the ideological representative of the Caucasian peoples, Shamil, who united disparate ethnic groups under the flag of Islam, was of Kumyk origin.

After the revolution, the Kumyk intelligentsia tried to create an independent state, the Mountain Republic. The attempt was a success, a local government was formed, but the unification did not last long: in 1921, the Kumyks became part of the newly formed Dagestan USSR. At the end of the Great Patriotic War, the Kumyks, along with a number of other Caucasian peoples, were deported to Central Asia on suspicion of treason. Despite the oppression, the people did not abandon the idea of ​​​​gaining independence and national self-determination. In 1989, during the period of perestroika, the Kumyk people's movement was formed, advocating for the creation of an autonomous Kumyk Republic within the RSFSR. However, the radically changed political situation did not allow the plans to come true.

Appearance

The anthropological composition of the Kumyks is heterogeneous; their characteristic external features differ. They belong to the Caucasian race, approximately of the Caspian and Caucasian subtypes. This is due to the historical settlement of the people on different sides of the Sulak River. According to one version, the ancestors of the Kumyks were the Cumans, which is reflected in the predominant Caucasian features of the appearance of the northern Kumyks: tall stature, strong physique, light eyes, hair and skin.

The southern Kumyks have predominantly Asian appearance features: narrow eye shape, dark pigmentation of the eyes, skin, and hair. Researchers have not come to a consensus regarding the appearance of pronounced Turkic features in the appearance of the southern Kumyks. The following versions are being considered:

1. The Khazars, who appeared in the region after the collapse of the Khazar Kaganate, took part in shaping the appearance of the Kumyks.
2. The ancestors of the Kumyks were mixed Mongol-Turkic peoples who came from Western and Central Asia.

Cloth

The national men's Kumyk costume did not differ from the Circassian one. Underwear pants and a high-necked shirt were complemented by a burka: dark colors for everyday wear, light shades for holidays. On top they put on a Circassian coat, usually black, and a hat. In the cold season they wore a short fur coat made of sheep's wool, a traditional burka.
Women's everyday dress with a straight or tunic cut, with bloomers worn underneath. To go outside the house and when receiving guests, they wore a thick, swing-type outer dress. Women were supposed to walk with their heads covered. The traditional headdress is a chuthu cap, over which a scarf was worn. Kumyk craftswomen were famous in the region as skilled creators of scarves. Silk scarves and crocheted openwork scarves were popular.
The traditional version of the festive dress is kabalai. The outfit was made from expensive materials: silk, wool, brocade. The cut was reminiscent of a casual swing dress, the top was cut more tightly. It was complemented by a bib, richly decorated with embroidery, silver or gilded jewelry. The cut of the sleeves, consisting of two layers, was original. The first one fit tightly to the hand, simulating the presence of an underdress. The top one was split, wide and long, often reaching to the floor.

Social structure

There was a clear hierarchical division in Kumyk society. At the head of individual territorial associations were princes. The next most important were the bridles, which performed the duties of the prince's guard. These categories were prohibited from working; their tasks included managing the entrusted territory and people, and solving social and public issues.
The lower classes are peasants and slaves. Theoretically, they were dependent on the princes, but they had the right to move from one owner to another and engage in small business activities. There was no fixed amount of tribute; taxes were regulated in each individual case. For example, once a year one of the princes accepted tribute in the form of a cart of firewood and the allocation of one person from the family for the time of sowing, plowing, and harvesting.
Formally, power was in the hands of the prince; in fact, he did not act as a judge: this role was played by the assembly of bridles. Disputes were resolved in accordance with the norms of adat - the code of moral and ethical rules, or Sharia. In the second case, a religious minister of a particular community acted as a judge.

Family life

Clan relations played an important role in the life of the Kumyks. Kinship families settled crowded together within one block of the village, numbering from 20 to 150 people. The clan was headed by the oldest, most respected person, usually a man. He resolved important family issues and acted as a family representative at public meetings.
By the 19th century, the culture of a small family, usually three generations, stood out. The marriageable age of girls was 15-16 years old; sometimes brides were 12-14 years old. Young men got married at the age of 16-17; it was believed that they should be 3-4 years older than the brides. It was allowed to marry only with equal status; relatives did not accept brides and grooms from poorer or lower-class families. More often, Kumyks had one wife, wealthy men took from 2 to 4 wives, and a maximum of 7 women were allowed into the house.
The position of a woman in the family was regulated by Sharia law, but was not considered humiliating. The elders participated in family councils and were in full charge of economic matters. The woman played the role of a conciliator: a handkerchief thrown on the ground stopped any fight. To avoid blood feud, the killer came to the mother of the murdered man, knelt down, and begged for forgiveness. If she forgave him, she cut off a lock of hair from the culprit’s head, which meant the end of revenge and made it possible to pay off with money.
Kumyk folklore has preserved many proverbs that convey the idea of ​​the importance of a woman as the keeper of the hearth, the soul of the home, a faithful companion and adviser to her husband. For example:

• The wife will say, the husband will agree.
• Anyone whose wife did not die did not know grief.
• The basis of a man's happiness is his wife.
• The father died - the child is half-orphan, the mother died - the child is a complete orphan.

Men took upon themselves the solution of public issues, protecting the family, hard work around the house and in the field, and herding animals. However, there were taboos: for example, a man was forbidden to enter the kitchen, this was considered a great shame. Sometimes, to escape the wrath of a husband or father, the wife and children would run to the kitchen, knowing that the man would not follow them. Husbands were forbidden to be alone with their wives during the day; they spent their free time in a kunatsky or separate room.
The Kumyks preferred to create large families; the number of children was not told to outsiders, it was considered a bad omen. The birth of a son was considered the main joy, which is reflected in popular proverbs and wishes:

• “So that your wife gives birth to a son” - this is how men were thanked for their services.
• “May you give birth to sons and be well-fed” is a traditional wedding wish to the bride.

During childbirth, the future father left home, and the midwife helped the woman in labor. The baby that was born was bathed in salt water against the evil eye, and a silver coin was placed at the bottom of the basin. For the first 40 days, the child should not be left alone. To protect against evil spirits, a bright ribbon was tied to the cap, and soot was smeared on the forehead and cheeks.

The name of the baby was chosen by the family council; usually the child was named after a deceased relative. The ritual of naming was practiced: a prayer was whispered into the baby’s ear in one ear, and the chosen name and the name of the father into the other. Afterwards, a celebration was held with a feast, to which relatives and friends were invited and brought gifts. On the occasion of the birth of a daughter, the father of a child must present a ram as a treat; if a son is born, two.

Life

The Kumyk Plain is distinguished by unusually fertile lands, which have produced rich harvests throughout the history of development. Healing mineral springs, gas and oil deposits were discovered here. Today, 70% of the Dagestan economy is provided by the territories inhabited by the ethnic group.
Historically, the Kumyks were engaged in agriculture; they were the only North Caucasian peoples who universally used irrigation methods. They grew wheat, millet, rice, corn, and were engaged in gardening, horticulture, viticulture, and beekeeping. Thanks to the abundance of meadows suitable for grazing, cattle breeding was widely developed: buffaloes and sheep were bred, and horse breeding was practiced.

Culture

The Kumyks had a serious influence on the culture of the North Caucasus region; they were considered educated and intelligent people with a good sense of humor. One of the first significant cultural figures is the 15th century poet Ummu Kamal. In the 19th century, a collection of national texts was published in St. Petersburg in the Kumyk language.
Literature reached a special flowering at the beginning of the last century. In addition to the works of a galaxy of talented writers and poets, newspapers and magazines in the Kumyk language are beginning to be published in the region. In 1925, the Kumyk Musical and Drama State Theater named after A.P. Salavatov was founded in Buinaksk. The dance culture of the people deserves attention: the Kumyks alone have about 20 types of Lezginkas.

Traditions

The fundamental traditions of the Kumyks were respect for elders, hospitality, kunachestvo, and atalychestvo. The latter was practiced in the families of princes and uzdens, who sent their children to be raised by noble families of neighboring peoples.
There was a ritual of “foster brothers”: some princes personally brought newborn sons to the Uzden families where there were babies. By placing the son to the breast of a comrade’s wife, the babies were made foster brothers: thus they were bound for life by ties equal to those of blood.
Kunakism is widespread, which differs from hospitality in the need to act on the side of the kunak in case of conflict situations, to help in solving everyday and social issues. An obligatory element of the home is the kunatskaya: a separate room for receiving guests. In wealthy families, a separate small house was built on the estate for kunaks, relatives and guests.
Hospitality was considered a matter of honor: they were obliged to accept into the house any person who asked, even if the families were in a state of blood feud. As long as the guest lives on the territory of the owner, the latter is obliged not only to provide him with everything necessary, but also to protect him from external enemies.

Wedding traditions

Weddings by arrangement and love were encouraged if the parents of the lovers agreed. Free communication between boys and girls was not encouraged. The couple was chosen at common holidays and weddings. The girl’s trip to the spring played a special role: in fact, the only reason to go outside the yard. Young people often gathered at the spring to watch the girls. The bravest ones started a conversation and asked for a drink of clean water. Knowing this, before going to fetch water, the girls carefully preened themselves and put on their best outfits.
A bride price was required to be paid for the bride. One half of it went to the girl’s relatives, the other to purchase part of the dowry, which forever remained the personal property of the wife. The size of the bride price was determined depending on the position of the groom’s family:

• for princes - 500-700 rubles.
• for bridles - 70-150 rubles.
• for peasants - 10-30 rubles.

In addition to the money, weapons, scarves, fabrics, livestock, and horses were included.
Wedding rituals began with matchmaking. Respected members of the community acted as matchmakers; the groom's relatives were forbidden to do this. The girls’ relatives did not immediately let the matchmakers into the house, sometimes it took up to 3-4 visits. When the envoys were invited to the table, the bride’s relatives were given gifts, who in return set the table: a discussion of the bride price and the details of the future wedding began.
The wedding celebrations lasted 3 days. On the first day, relatives and friends came to the bride’s house and a small feast was organized. The next day, the wedding train from the groom's side arrived for the bride, wrapped from head to toe in material. The girl was seated in a cart covered with carpets: friends and relatives asked for a ransom and jokingly prevented the young woman from leaving.

Upon arrival at the groom's house, the bride was showered with sweets, rice, coins, and a silk carpet was laid out. At the entrance to the house, the eldest woman smeared the bride’s lips with honey: a symbol of wishes for a sweet, satisfying, rich life. The mother-in-law greeted her daughter-in-law with her arms crossed over her chest and hidden under her arms. This said that the daughter-in-law would take on household chores, giving her mother-in-law the right to a well-deserved rest.
At that time, the groom was at a friend’s house, where he celebrated his marriage in the company of men. The bride spent the day in the company of women, only meeting with the groom in the evening in a separate room, where they were left alone. The next day, she appeared for the first time in front of her new relatives with an open face: the celebration continued with general introductions and presenting the young couple with gifts. The entry of the daughter-in-law into the family ended after two weeks with the ritual of going to the spring. In the company of other women of the clan, the young wife walked with a jug to fetch water, the ceremony was accompanied by songs and dances. The first housework done meant that from now on the girl was fully included in the economic life of the new family. At the same time, the mother-in-law lifted the taboo of silence: the young wife was allowed to start a conversation with her. On the occasion of an important event, the daughter-in-law gave her husband's mother a valuable gift. The father-in-law could remain silent for years: the lifting of the ban was considered the greatest favor and was celebrated by the entire family.

Food

Kumyk women were famous as excellent cooks. The basis of the diet was meat and dairy foods. Particularly varied were flour products baked in a large oven installed in the courtyard of the house.
A traditional everyday dish is khinkal: large flat pieces of dough cooked in a rich meat broth. One of the varieties of the dish is khinkal made from corn flour, called gyalpama. The national Kumyk soup Shorpa had many variations: beans, rice, vegetables, cereals, and homemade noodles were added to it. They also prepared dishes traditional to other Caucasian peoples: shish kebab, pilaf, dolma.

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Gahraman Gumbatov

More than 10 thousand kilometers separate today's Tuvan Buddhist from Tyva from the Karaite, an adherent of the Jewish faith, living in Trakai in Lithuania. An even greater distance separates a Muslim Turk living in Istanbul from a Christian Yakut from the banks of the Lena River in Siberia. At the same time, Tuvan and Karaite, Turk and Yakut, and with them Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Uighur, Altaian, Khakass, Shors, Tofalar, Karachay, Balkar, Kumyk, Turkmen, Uzbek, Azerbaijani, Gagauz, Tatar, Bashkir, Chuvash, Crimean Tatar, Karakalpak, Nogai are united by the fact that they are all Turks and they all have a common language - Turkic.
The Turkic peoples (now their number, according to rough estimates, exceeds 200 million people) live on a vast territory from the Lena to the Danube, from Taimyr to the Persian Gulf, basically in the same territories that their ancestors inhabited since ancient times. Modern Turkic peoples, despite the various historical vicissitudes that separated them many millennia ago, were able to preserve in their memory a common language and a common culture that they inherited from their common ancestors.
As you know, language is not only a means of communication. Language is the memory of the people. In the words of our native language we preserve the history of the millennia-long pre-literate historical path of our ancestors. And the spirit of the people lives in the language.
Language is, as it were, an external manifestation of the spirit of the people; the language of a people is its spirit, and the spirit of a people is its language - it is difficult to imagine anything more identical. Since each language inherits its material from periods of prehistory inaccessible to us, spiritual activity aimed at expressing thought already deals with ready-made material: it does not create, but transforms.
The desire to know the origins of one’s people, their history, language, and unique culture is a natural need of every thinking person. It is not surprising that in recent years numerous works related to the origins of modern Turkic peoples have been published. Very often on the Internet in various forums people ask questions related to the ethnogenesis of the Turkic peoples.
The study of the role and significance of Turkic ethnogenesis has been in the field of attention of Orientalists, perhaps, since the middle of the 18th century. However, it should be emphasized that until the recent past, the solution to these problems did not answer the direct question of how the process of formation of the Turkic peoples proceeded.
Unfortunately, until now, scientists do not have a consensus on any of the issues of Turkic ethnogenesis. For example, some scientists believe that the ancestral home of the ancient Turks was in Altai. Others place it in areas adjacent to the Black and Caspian Seas from the north, still others in Western Asia, and still others in the territories west and east of the Urals. Some scientists write that the ancestors of modern Turks were originally Mongoloid, others argue that the ancient Turks were Caucasians. Some believe that the Turkic tribes first appeared in Eastern Europe only in the middle of the first millennium AD, others write about the distant relationship of the ancient Turks with the Sumerians, Etruscans and American Indians.
In Soviet times, historical science largely, if not completely, depended on the ideological and other attitudes of the authorities, and therefore in those days it would have been very naive to count on the publication of any objective work containing a theory of Turkic ethnogenesis different from the theory of Turkic ethnogenesis officially recognized by the authorities.
It should be noted that since the establishment of Soviet power, Turkology has been constantly under the close control of the authorities. It is no secret that with the beginning of the seizure of the Turkic lands (Volga region, Ural, Western Siberia, Astrakhan, Caucasus, Crimea, Transcaucasia, Central Asia, etc.), the Russian Empire, in order to force the Turkic peoples to forget their past, obliged Russian scientists (and not only Russians) to purposefully falsify the ethnic and political history of the Turkic peoples. As a result of this, the so-called “Altai hypothesis” of the origin of the Turks was created. This “hypothesis-concept” was especially persistently and aggressively introduced into academic science during the years of Soviet power. Any deviation from this “concept” was severely punished. Many scientists who disagreed with her were repressed.
The main theses of this official “concept” approved by the authorities were:
– the ancestral home of the Turks was originally located in Altai and adjacent territories;
– the entry of the Turkic language into the proto-Altai linguistic community (in addition to the Turkic language, this included the languages ​​of the Mongols and Manchus, as well as the languages ​​of the Koreans and Japanese);
- all current Turkic peoples, except for language, have nothing in common with each other, since they are Turkified aborigines;
– the original Mongoloid character of the ancient Turks;
– Eurasian steppes, starting from the 6th millennium BC. occupied by “Indo-Europeans”, and from the 2nd millennium BC. – Indo-Iranians: Aryans, Scythians, Sarmatians;
– only Ossetians are descendants of the most ancient tribes and peoples of the Eurasian steppes (Scythians, Sarmatians and Alans).
In recent years, dozens of new books on the ethnogenesis of the Turks are published annually in Russia, in which certain theses of the “Altai” concept are repeated without evidence. It should be noted that most researchers dealing with the ethnogenesis of the Turkic peoples, unfortunately, forget that any theory, hypothesis, concept must be reasoned and evidence-based. More than 90% of modern studies devoted to the Turkic peoples are, in fact, mainly rehashes of old publications written by order of the authorities back in the Soviet era. For example, the main Russian “Turkologist-Altaist” S.G. Klyashtorny, who has been writing about the past of the Turkic peoples for about 40 years, and today continues to prove the legitimacy of the traditional Soviet concept on the ethnogenesis of the Turks. In the book “Steppe Empires of Eurasia,” published in 2005, he again repeats the main theses of the official concept like a spell:
– “The Eurasian steppes between the Volga and Yenisei back in the 6th millennium BC. occupied by Indo-European tribes of the Caucasoid racial type, the same “Indo-Europeans”, numerous tribes of which spoke related languages ​​of the Indo-Iranian language family, the Balto-Slavic language family, the Germanic language family and many other related languages”;
– “Numerous autochthonous tribes (Indo-European in Central Asia, Finno-Ugric in the Volga region, the Urals and Western Siberia, Iranian and Adyghe in the North Caucasus, Samoyed and Keto-speaking in Southern Siberia) were partially assimilated by the Turks during the existence of the ethnopolitical associations they created, primarily the Hunnic states of the first centuries AD. e., ancient Turkic khaganates of the second half of the 1st millennium AD, Kipchak tribal unions and the Golden Horde already in our millennium. It was these numerous conquests and migrations that, in the historically foreseeable period, led to the formation of Turkic ethnic communities in the places of their modern settlement.”
Doctor of Historical Sciences N. Egorov, also, apparently trying to pass off wishful thinking, writes: “Turkologists have long determined that the Proto-Turkic language developed in Central Asia, more precisely, in the regions of Transbaikalia and Eastern Mongolia. The primary collapse of the Turkic linguistic community occurred somewhere in the middle of the first millennium BC... The ancient tribes, settled at one time in the vast expanses of the Eurasian steppes from the Northern Black Sea region to Central Mongolia, until the turn of the new era spoke various dialects of the Eastern Iranian branch of Iranian languages."
In the Soviet Union, where the colonial policy of the Russian Empire towards national minorities continued, it was difficult to expect the appearance of reliable works on Turkic languages. It should be noted that in recent years, in Russia, some scientists began to publish openly false articles about the Turkic peoples. So, for example, the representative of Russian science V. Makhnach writes: “there are undoubtedly peoples who speak Turkic languages. Is there any unity among the Turkic peoples? It is enough to look at various Turkic-speaking peoples to be convinced that this is not so. This is not true racially, because most Turks are moderate Mongoloids with very weak Mongoloid traits (say, Turkmens). But there are Turks - pure Caucasians (for example, Chuvash) and there are Turks - pure Mongoloids (Yakuts and, especially, Tuvans). Their appearance indicates that the evolution of languages ​​followed one path, and the evolution of these peoples followed a completely different path. However, comparisons can be made not only at the racial level, but also at the religious level. Most speakers of Turkic languages ​​are Muslims (albeit, different Muslims: both Sunnis and Shiites), while the Chuvash are Orthodox Christians, therefore, they will always be together not with other Turks, but with other Orthodox Christians. The Tuvans are northern yellow-capped Buddhists (Lamaists), and their unity will be with the Buddhist peoples, and not with the Muslim Turks. That is, the idea of ​​​​Turkic unity, which some figures are now striving for in our state and especially in Turkey, is not based either on a real ethnic community or on a religious and cultural basis, and therefore represents Nazism - a theory of artificial tribal unity. Muslim unity is organic and there is nothing negative about it. Islamic fundamentalism, in a sense, is also natural and organic. But Pan-Turkism is Nazism.”
Another Russian researcher K. Penzev writes that “even the Turkic-speaking nature of some ethnic groups does not give us the right to believe that they really were Turks. For example, Azerbaijanis who speak the language of the Oguz group are not Turkic in origin. Azerbaijanis, Kazakhs, Uighurs, Turkmen, Kumyks, Karachais, Balkars, Gagauz, Tuvinians and others are Turkic-speaking, but this does not mean that they are all Turks.”
It should be noted that such a policy of ethnic discrimination against former colonial peoples is inherent in many European scientists.
Here is what the Canadian scientist Klaus Klostermeier writes about this: “The regimes that were in power in the twentieth century ordered the rewriting of history in the light of their own ideological views. Like the court chroniclers of the past, some modern academic historians did not disdain tendentious interpretations of historical events, reshaping the past to order. When the peoples of Asia and Africa gained independence after the Second World War, local intellectuals began to recognize the fact that the histories of their countries were being written by representatives of the very colonial authorities they were fighting. In most cases, they found that "official" historians had dismissed all traditional accounts of the past as nothing more than myths and fairy tales. Post-colonial countries often did not have their own historians with academic training (or, worse, there were only local historians who accepted the point of view of their colonial masters), so dissatisfaction with existing interpretations of history often found expression in works whose authors lacked the academic credentials necessary to to impress professional historians. Currently, the situation is gradually changing. The histories of their countries are being rewritten by a new generation of scientists who grew up in post-colonial times and do not share previous academic prejudices, while properly mastering the tools of their craft - a deep knowledge of the languages ​​used, an understanding of the culture of their countries, and respect for local traditions.” (8)
Modern Russian authors who are trying to rewrite the history of the Russian people and their close and distant neighbors in a new way should from time to time re-read the classic works of the great Russian historians V.O. Klyuchevsky and S.M. Solovyov. I believe that they should always remember the words written by V.O. Klyuchevsky about the origin of the Russian state and the Russian people: “From the beginning of the 17th to the half of the 19th century. The Russian people spread across the entire plain from the Baltic and White seas to the Black Sea, to the Caucasus Range, the Caspian Sea and the Urals, and even penetrated to the south and east far beyond the Caucasus, the Caspian Sea and the Urals. The vast Eastern European plain, on which the Russian state was formed, at the beginning of our history was not populated throughout its entire area by the people who have made its history to this day. Our history opens with the phenomenon that the eastern branch of the Slavs, which later grew into the Russian people, enters the Russian plain from one corner of it, from the southwest, from the slopes of the Carpathians. For many centuries, this Slavic population was far from sufficient to completely occupy the entire plain with some uniformity. Moreover, due to the conditions of its historical life and geographical situation, it did not spread across the plain gradually by birth, not by settling, but by migrating, transported by bird flights from one end to another, leaving its homes and settling in new ones.”
Russian political scientist Alexey Miller argues that “Many territories that today are perceived as eternally Russian are territories that, even under the Russian Empire, were subjected to ethnic cleansing, from where the local Muslim population was expelled, first settled by Cossacks, then some peasants came there... Interesting that Siberia was not considered a Russian national territory until the beginning of the twentieth century. You can read Chekhov's letters from his trip to Sakhalin. These are amazing texts, there’s just a cry from the heart: “Lord, how different everything is, how non-Russian this land is and the people here are non-Russian.”
One can marvel at the courage of many Soviet scientists who, during the period of Soviet repression, were not afraid to write the truth about the history and language of the Turkic peoples: S.E.Malov, A.M.Shcherbak and others. Back in 1952, the famous Russian Turkologist S.E.Malov wrote : “Western Turkic languages ​​show that they have gone through too much and a long life, they have experienced many different influences, etc. This could not have happened in a very short time. All the migrations of the Turks from Central Asia that we know (for example, the Huns, the Mongol-Tatars, the Kyrgyz) did not produce in the West the linguistic influence and revolution in favor of the Eastern Turkic linguistic elements that could have been expected if there had not been here in the West already established and long-standing Western Turkic languages.”
There are also many objective and independent scientists in modern Russia. One of them is the young Russian researcher Dm. Verkhoturov. Dm. Verkhoturov writes that “Iranianists unanimously assert that in ancient times (approximately until the middle of the 1st millennium AD) Central Asia, Kazakhstan and Siberia were inhabited by Iranian peoples. It is often stated that these territories were the “Homeland of the Iranian peoples.” This version almost completely dominates the works of Iranianists. But some of its oddities include the following:
-The absence of relict peoples with the Iranian language in the designated territory. Especially if it is recognized as the homeland of the Iranian peoples, it is extremely unlikely that not a single Iranian people, at least in the form of a fragment, has survived in their ancestral homeland.
— If you believe the Iranian theory, then it follows from it that around the middle of the 1st millennium AD. The Turks “left” Altai, quickly captured and Turkified the huge “Iranian world”, and did it so well that no traces or fragments of the old world remained.
Meanwhile, it is absolutely clear that the formation of such a vast Turkic world took millennia. There is a completely definite archaeological complex of steppe peoples, primarily burials under burial mounds in wooden frames, burials with a horse and corpse burning with a horse, which in the archaeological materials of Altai are clearly linked by continuity with the culture of the undeniably Turkic peoples. The beginning of this continuity goes back to at least the beginning of the 1st millennium BC. There are also a number of circumstances that allow us to say that the opinion about the Iranian nature of the population of the designated territory is greatly exaggerated.”
The famous Italian scientist M. Alinei believes that “the Turkic peoples were the first to successfully domesticate horses and passed this innovation on to neighboring peoples. This is confirmed by the presence of Turkic borrowings in horse terminology in the Finno-Ugric languages, the antiquity of which has been proven by specialists, and this implies the antiquity of the Turkic presence in Eastern Europe.”
Until now, unfortunately, there is no special study devoted to the preliterate history of the ancient Turks. I tried to determine the historical ancestral home of the ancient Turks based on a comparative analysis of modern and ancient Turkic languages, by comparing the results obtained with data from archaeology, anthropology, ethnography and historical materials.

© Copyright: Gahraman Gumbatov, 2018
Certificate of publication No. 218070200168

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Kumyks of the indigenous population on the plains of Dagestan. Live broadcast is concentrated in seven regions of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic:. Khasavyurt, Babayurt Kizilyurt, Buynaksk, Karabudah-Kent Kayakentsky and Kaytagskom in six villages in 'near Makhachkala and the cities of Makhachkala, Khasavyurt, Buynaksk, Izberbash and Derbent A small group of Kumyksa lives in ASF in the Chechen Ingush. Finally, some Kumyk villages are part of North Ossetia.

The total number of Kumykov after the census in 1959 is 135 thousand people.

Kumyks are neighbors in the north - Nogais, in the northwest and west - Chechens and Avars, in the southwest and south - Dargin, Tabasarans of Derbent and Azerbaijanis. The territory inhabited by the Kumyks faces the Caspian Sea to the east. The most important rivers in Kumyk's water system are the Terek, Sulak, Uluchai, Gamriozen, Shuraozen, Manasozen and the October Revolution Canal.

The climate here is moderate.

Kumyk belongs to the northwest (Kipchak) of the Turkish languages ​​and is divided into three relatively close dialects: northern (Khasavyurt), middle (Buinaksk) and southern (Kaitag).

The Khasavyurt dialect is based on the Kumyk literary language. The differences between these dialects are currently unclear - the standard language is all over the place.

Before the Great October Socialist Revolution, Kumyk was divided into three groups, namely the dialectical division.

The first group consisted of the so-called inhabitants of the Kumyk plains (the space between the Terek and Sulak, Aksai Verkhnyaya Seda street, the Caspian Sea and Ostrog Aushova Salatovsk and mountains.) - modern Khasavyurt, Babayurt and partly Kizilevrovsky districts. The bulk of this territory was once part of the former Terek region.

The second group, which was the most important, was the Shamkhalism of Kumyk Tarkovsky, who in 1867 entered the Temir-Khan-Shura region in the Dagestan region.

This territory is modern in the Buinaksk, Karabudastan and partly Kizilevrovsky districts. Finally, the third group was represented by the Kumites of the former property of Kaitag Utsmiya, and then they were transformed into the Kaitag-Tabasaran district.

Now the territory of this group is Kumyks del Kayakent and partly the Kaytag district.

The same name of Kumyks-kyumuk 1. The etymological meaning of his time has not been violated. Some historians have associated this term with the geographical conditions of the Kumi residence.

Others compared the terms kumuk and kuman, i.e. Cumans. Neighbors of the Kumyks called them differently in the past. Dargin - Dzhandar (etymology unknown) and Dirkalants (ordinary residents), Avari - Larigals (residents), Nogais, Kabardians of Ossetia, Chechens, Balkars - only Kumyks.

The formation of the Kumyk people began in the second half of the 1st millennium.

e. The decisive role in the ethnogenesis of Kumikov belonged to the ancient tribe - the regions of flat Dagestan. Along with them, in the formation of the Kumyk nationality, tribal tribes especially appeared, especially the Kipchak (half), whose language was accepted by the local tribes. The decisive role of the autochthonous population in the emergence of the Kumi peoples is confirmed by the main characteristics of the Kumi culture and way of life and anthropological data.

Soviet anthropologists refer to the Kumyks as European-looking and talk about the anthropological similarity of the Kumyks with other peoples in Dagestan and contrast them with the Mongolian peoples.

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Modern agricultural farming of the Kumyks meets the conditions of flat and smooth construction.

Due to the fact that agriculture has long been the main occupation of the Kumi, the people have accumulated a lot of economic experience and developed their own methods of agricultural labor. Kumyk was the first known triple system and artificial irrigation of fields.

However, agriculture among the Kumyks before the revolution retained relatively backward forms. For example, a more primitive system was used at the stand. The main working tools are wooden plows with iron lemeha3 (at the base of the additional plug), wooden dams, moon slabs with stones (squids), sickles, etc. Weed we have performed a motif or special hands..; Mix the grain with the soil that previously reached the cylinder.

Iron plows, steam sprayers, seedlings, etc., which began to appear from the mid-nineteenth century, were found only on farms and turrets.

Inadequate agricultural technology and lack of water for irrigation predetermined low yields. Despite all this, the Kumyks, unlike other peoples of Dagestan, barely used soil fertilizers. The average yield on irrigated fields in many areas did not exceed 4-5 per capita, on rain-fed crops - only 3.

In the past, mutual assistance from neighbors or neighbors played an important role in organizing agricultural work in Kumyk.

These customs were called Kumyksi from Bulke (gathering, teamwork). There is chop bulla (chopped, i.e., harvested for harvesting from weeds), orak bulla (orakul-srp,

E greet the harvest), gabizh dei bulka (gabizhdey -.... corn, namely, payment for harvesting and processing corn), etc. Rich relatives often use this practice for work, promising poor families only the treatment of work in the family. Poor and weak farmers unite into two or three farms, sharing livestock and agricultural machinery.

This mutual assistance was called partnering. There is often a need to treat cattle and tools that poor people have plundered in the fists of murmuring.

The victory of the collective farm system opened up great opportunities for agricultural growth.

Thanks to numerous activities - the development of new lands, the planting of wetlands, the construction of canals, including the name Power Channel. October Revolution - Kumyk cultivated land has grown greatly. 4. Kumyk regions have become large grains of the economy of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Most of Kumyk's collective farms are irrigated.

A widespread use system is provided that allows you to deliver water to the desired area of ​​the field and not have it divided into separate parts with permanent channels.

Based on cultivation, in a large kumik collective farm, the specialization was usually highly specialized, which is usually only grain.

Agriculture is now developing in several ways; However, the leading industry in almost all regions of the Kumyk region is the cultivation of agricultural crops, in particular, the cultivation of grains. Of the grains, the first is wheat, the other is corn and barley. In some areas (Khasavyurtovsky, Kizilevrovsky) rice was also grown.

Kumyks are engaged in gardening and viticulture.

However, in the past, in the conditions of small scattered farms, where soil cultivation was carried out in a primitive manner, horticulture and viticulture could not develop significantly.

Mass planting of fruit trees and vines and the introduction of Michurin varieties, which took place only on the collective farm. Now in the Buinak district itself there are 2,322 hectares under gardens. Kolkhoz named after Ordzhonikidze (village of Nizhnyaya Kazan) in this area has gardens on a surface of about 450 hectares.

In the pre-revolutionary period, gardening and viticulture in the Kumyks had virtually no commercial significance.

Generally, the fruit is stored, dried and covered during the winter for personal consumption. They were partially replaced in neighboring villages by grain and other products.

To the extent that collective farms have every opportunity to sell their products, the export of fruit and grapes, as well as wine production, has reached a wide range.

Collective farms use their own vehicles to export fresh fruits, grapes and vegetables. Vegetable garden crops are gradually acquiring an important role in the Kumyk economy. The Kumyks have long cultivated watermelons, melons, pumpkins, cucumbers, various types of beans, onions, garlic, peppers, herbs, and so on. D. However, in pre-revolutionary conditions, the cultivation of this plant was not sufficiently developed.

Currently, the area under cultivation has increased significantly. In 1958, collective farms in the Khasavyurt region planted 1,362 hectares of vegetable and melon crops. In addition to those long known for agricultural crops and new ones. Tomatoes, cabbage, eggplants, potatoes, etc. Based on gardening, viticulture and vegetables, canned fruits.

Canary products Khasavyurt and Buynak are among the largest in the republic.

The machines are widely used in all sectors of the Kumyk agricultural holding. Its role in Polish agriculture is especially high when all main processes are completely mechanized. Old agricultural implements (heavy cork, rubber plates, wooden harrows) were avoided by heavy tractors, combines, sprayers, planters,

Kumyks are also engaged in livestock farming, raising large and small cattle. Much attention is paid to breeding buffalo, which are valued as strong draft animals and buffaloes for good dairy crops and high-quality milk. In the past, livestock farming in the Kumyks was poorly developed. The shepherd and the shepherd were full of suffering.

In which pasture has increased housing and facilities for animals, veterinary and medical centers, etc. Winter kuta and summer pasture in the mountains, visiting art ensemble and amateur performances. Trade organizations supply food, cultural and industrial products to livestock farmers.

Poultry, beekeeping and gray culture are also very important.

These sectors of the economy existed among the Kumyks for a long time, and much has now developed.

Kumyk collective farms have different vehicles. The main ones are cars, which serve both the transportation of people and the transfer of goods. Wagons and arbads are also used to transport goods over short distances. Field barges used bidars, carts and riding horses. The use of cars became possible thanks to the large construction of roads carried out during the years of Soviet power.

New comfortable roads were created on the territory of Kumyk, connecting all villages with regional centers and cities of the republic, as well as the Kumykov lowland with the mountainous regions of Dagestan. Economic relations Kumyks is a very important railway route that runs from north to south through the coastal part of the Kumyk region and the Makhachkala-Buinakskaya line.

The number of power plants in Kumyk collective farms is growing from year to year.

Many settlements are fully electrified. In addition to their energy installations (many Kumyk villages receive cheap electricity from nearby cities - Makhachkala, Izberbash, Caspian Khasavyurt, Buinaksk, which allows them to charge some labor-intensive processes in the economy.

If before noon the main production unit was strictly gender and age division of labor, the burden of labor fell on women, now the production unit has become a farm and its members in one very friendly staff.

The distribution of labor between women and men in collective agricultural teams arises from the appropriateness of using male labor in more labor-intensive work. Thus, the division of labor on the farm has nothing in common with the old one. The principle of socialist payments ensures that labor productivity constantly increases.

Kumyk: “The History of the Kumikov Spring” (G.S. Fedorov-Guseinov, Makhachkala, 1996): free download

Socialist competition is becoming more common. The parties and communist organizations that are the initiators of the most important companies are actively popularizing the experience of advanced collective farmers and collective farms. It is known that among collective farmers there are known names of Heroes of Socialist Labor who have achieved high production indicators and are known for their selfless labor force.

The growing public economy contributes to a change in the nature of the personal economy of the Kumyks.

In collective parcels, collective farms mainly grow vegetables and melons and feed meat and dairy cattle. Personal economic income began to play a supporting role in the family budget, which supplements only the main income from the state economy.

In some villages (Kumtorkale, Kayakent, Nizhny and Zgornie Kazanchtsi, Andreaula, etc.) women spend their free time in college with clothes.

They are woven like pile and drip carpets, saddle bags, etc. From carpet products, especially the famous Kumyks, the docked one-sided carpet, the famous Shumak. Decorative carpets, especially geometric ones, have very original designs and paintings.

Northern Kumyks also produce carved carpets decorated with geometric and floral decorations.

In the past, almost every Kumyk village had its own masterpieces, many of which were famous for their products in the Caucasus. The name of the master Bazalai from the village. Upper Kazan, who lived in the first half of the 19th century. Centuries have become home.

This name came to refer to the blades he made, which were very powerful. Upper and lower Kazan and Andreaul were forging centers. In these villages, as well as in Erpel, there is Kafir-Kumuk Sultan Yangi Yurt and other zlatokuznechestvo circulates and in which engraving, black, filigree and silver casting. In the XVIII-XIX centuries. Century. in the villages of Erpel and Andreale there were flourishing ceramics, which were degraded at a later time due to the predominance of factory products.

In the environment of Kumyk economic activity, one of the main places is now working in the industry.

The first industrial enterprises in the Kumyk region were formed in the pre-revolutionary period (oil and fishing industries, processing companies for local agricultural raw materials). However, the total number of employees and the number of Kumy employees was very small.

There was a very small proportion of the Kumyk population of the port of Petrovsk (now Makhachkala), Temir-Khan-Shura (now Buinaksk), and the village of Khasavyurt (now a city).

During Soviet times, the situation changed radically. The transformation of Dagestan into a developed industrial-agrarian republic also influenced the economic life of the Kumyk people. Along with the creation of powerful industrial centers in the fast-growing cities of the republic, several industrial enterprises were built in rural areas, including Kumyk.

Kumyk is now an important part of the working class of Dagestan. A third of the Kumyk population of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic lives in cities and workers’ settlements. This fact clearly reflects the grandiose movements/events in the life of the Kumyk people during the 1st Soviet rule.

Kumyks`Ushakov’s Explanatory Dictionary`

Kumykov, units Kumyk, Kumyk, m. One of the Turkic peoples in the Caucasus.

Kumyks`Ozhegov’s Explanatory Dictionary`

Ov, units -yk, -a, m. People belonging to the indigenous population of Dagestan. II Kumychka, -i. II adj. Kumyk, -aya, -oe.

Kumyks'Efremova's Explanatory Dictionary'

1) The people of the Kipchak ethno-linguistic group living in Dagestan. 2) Representatives of this people.

Kumyks`Small Academic Dictionary`

Kumyks`Historical Dictionary`

(self-name - kumuk), people in the Russian Federation (277.2 thousand people), in Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetia, North Ossetia. The Kumyk language of the Kynchak group of Turkic languages.

Believers are Sunni Muslims.

Kumyks`Encyclopedia of Brockhaus and Efron`

-s, plural (units) Kumyk, -A, m.; Kumychka, -And, plural k u m y ch k i, -check, -chkam, and.).

One of the peoples of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, as well as persons belonging to this people.

Small academic dictionary.

M.: Institute of Russian Language of the USSR Academy of SciencesEvgenieva A.P.1957-1984Kumyki

the people of the Turkic tribe, belonging to its Pontic branch, live in the Dagestan region, north of Derbent, along the shore of the Caspian Sea, and in the Khasav-Yurtovsky district. and Kizlyar department of the Terek region, between the river.

Terek and Sulak. Some believe that K. from ancient times occupied the coast of the Caspian Sea and were known to Ptolemy under the name Kami, Kamaki, Klaproth sees them as descendants of the Khazars, and Vamberi (“Das Türkenvolk”, Lpc.

1885) admits that they settled in the places they now occupy during the prosperity of the Khazar kingdom, i.e. in the 8th century. In terms of language and lifestyle, everything is K.

currently represent one ethnographic whole, but this can hardly be said regarding their origin. Local legends, in connection with the many surviving ethnographic terms...

Kumyks`Russian spelling dictionary`

godfather, -ov, godfather, -a

Russian spelling dictionary.

/ The Russian Academy of Sciences. Institute of Russian language them. V. V. Vinogradova. - M.: “Azbukovnik”. V. V. Lopatin (executive editor), B. Z. Bukchina, N. A. Eskova and others.

Kumyks`Modern explanatory dictionary`

Kumykinarod in Dagestan (232 thousand people). In total there are 282 thousand people in the Russian Federation (1992). Kumyk language. Kumyk believers are Sunni Muslims.

Kumyks`Dictionary of Foreign Words`

Turkic people. tribe in Dagestan and other places. Caucasus.

(Source: “Dictionary of foreign words included in the Russian language.”

Chudinov A.N., 1910)

Kumyks`Great Soviet Encyclopedia`

people inhabiting mainly lowland and partly foothill areas in the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The population in the USSR is 189 thousand people, including 169 thousand people in the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (1970, census). The Kumyk language belongs to the Kipchak group of Turkic languages. K.'s believers are Muslims. Ancient tribes took part in the ethnogenesis of Kazakhstan - the aborigines of North-Eastern Dagestan and alien Turkic-speaking tribes, especially the Kipchaks, whose language was adopted by the aborigines.

According to anthropological characteristics and the main features of culture and life, the K. are close to other mountain peoples of Dagestan. The most significant feudal formation of K.

in the 17th-18th centuries. there was Tarkovsky’s shamkhalism. Socialist restructuring of the economy in the Soviet...

Kumyks`Big Encyclopedic Dictionary`

KUMYKS are a people in Dagestan (232 thousand people). In total there are 282 thousand people in the Russian Federation (1992). Kumyk language. Kumyk believers are Sunni Muslims.

Kumyks`Fasmer's Etymological Dictionary`

kumykikumyki (pl.) – Turkic. people in the east

parts of the Terek region and Dagestan (Korsh, Ethnogr. Review 84, 115), Kumyks near Avvakum (149, 151), also Kumychans, Khozhd. Kotova (circa 1625), pp. 79 et seq., Karach. kumuk "Kumyk", Balkar. kumuklu (KSz 10, 121; 15, 240). Associated with the name of the Turkkumans; see Moshkov, Ethnogr. Review 44, 16. Wed. Kumanin. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language. - M.: ProgressM. R. Vasmer1964-1973

Kumyks`Kuznetsov’s Explanatory Dictionary`

Kumyks`Soviet Historical Encyclopedia`

(kumuk - unit.

h., kumuklar - pl. h) - a people inhabiting the plains and partly the foothills of the Dag. ASSR. A small part of K.

Kumyk world

lives in Checheno-Ingush. and North Ossetia. ASSR. Total no. K. 135 t. h. (1959). The Kumyk language belongs to the north-west. (Kipchak) group of Turks. languages ​​and falls into three fairly close dialects. K.'s believers are Sunni Muslims. Ancient tribes, the aborigines of the North-East, took part in the ethnogenesis of Kazakhstan.

Dagestan and alien Turkic-speaking tribes, especially the Kipchaks, whose language was adopted by the aborigines. According to anthropologist. signs and basic The features of the culture and way of life of K. are close to other mountain peoples of Dagestan. The most means. feud. K.'s formation was the Tarkov Shamkhalate. K. are employed in the collective farm village. x-ve, as well as in industry (petroleum, chemical, mechanical engineering) as workers and technical engineers.

personnel. The national literature, art, theater, music, folklore; national has grown intelligentsia.

Lit.: Gadzhieva S. Sh., Kumyki. ...

KUMYKI-s; pl. One of the peoples of Dagestan; representatives of this people.

◁ Kumyk, -a; m. Kumychka, -i; pl. genus. -check, date. -chkam; and. Kumyk, -aya, -oe. K. language. K-th literature.

Great Dictionary of Russian language. — 1st ed.: St. Petersburg: NorintS. A. Kuznetsov.1998

Kumuk (self-name) . Population in Dagestan – 365.8 thousand, in Chechnya-Ingushetia-9.9 thousand, in north Ossetia– 9.5 thousand Total number more than 500 thousand people(including diasporas in non-CIS countries).

Kumysk plain and foothills of Dagestan. They speak the Kumy language (one of the literary languages ​​of Dagestan). It has dialects: Buynaksky, Kaitagsky, foothill, Terek, Khasavyurt .

Main aspects of studying the history of the Kumyks.

Literary language based on the Khasavyurt and Buynak dialects. Until 1928 they used the common Dagestan writing system on an Arabic graphic basis (adjam), in 1928-1938 they used a Latin writing system, and from 1938 on a Russian graphic basis. Believers - Muslims - Sunnis.

Tribes played a certain role in the formation of the Kumyks Cimmerians(before the beginning of the 7th century BC), Scythians (VIII-III centuries BC), later - Turkic-speaking tribes, etc. First mention of the ethnonym “ Kumyks ”, found in ancient authors Pliny the Elder, Claudius Ptolemy.

The final formation of the Kumyks as an ethnic group occurred in the 12th-13th centuries. By the XVIII–XIX centuries. In the territory of settlement of the Kumyks, there were several political entities: the Tarkov Shamkhalate, the Mehtulin Khanate, the Kostek and Aksaev possessions. The southern Kumyks were part of the Kaitag Utsmiystvo. A special place was occupied by the Tarkovsky shamkhal, who was called the valie (ruler) of Dagestan, who had unlimited power.

Since the 17th century, close trade and diplomatic relations between the Kumyks and Russia have been established.

After education Dagestan region(1860, center - Temir-Khan-Shura) the political power of the Shamkhal and khans was actually eliminated: instead districts were created: from the Kaitan Utsmiystvo and the Taba-Shurinsky district of the Dagestan region.

Kumyks made up the main population of more than (60%) Temir-Khan-Shurinsky and Khasavyurt districts , and in Kaytago-Tabasaran district about 15% of the population. In the 2nd half of the 19th century. The Kumyks were a relatively highly consolidated people with developed ethnic characteristics: the spread of a single endoethnonym, the regularity of trade, economic and cultural relationships, etc.

the process of ethnocultural consolidation was eliminated by the presence of ethnographic groups of Kumyks.

At the end of the 19th century. come out first printed books in Kumyk language. From about the 17th century. to the beginning of the 20th century The Kumyk language became the language of interethnic communication in the North-East Caucasus.

The Kumyk language was the official language of correspondence with the Russian tsars and representatives of the Russian administration; it was studied in gymnasiums and colleges Vladikavkaz, Stavropol, Mozdok, Kizlyar, Temir-Khan-Shura and etc.

From Avar, Dargin, Lak and Russian villages, 8-10 year old boys were sent to Kunak-Kumyk families for 2-3 years, where they learned the Kumyk language. Since 1921, the Kumyks have been part of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (since 1991 – Republic of

Dagestan). In the 1950s-80s, large-scale organized resettlement and spontaneous migration of highlanders to the plains led to overpopulation Kumyk Plain and Primorskaya Lowland, which aggravated many socio-economic and national problems of Dagestan.

The Kumyks turned into an ethnic minority, which faced the problem of preserving their ethnic identity. In the spring of 1989, the Kumyk people's movement “Tenglik” was formed, its main goals being the proclamation of national sovereignty with other socio-political organizations and movements of Dagestan and the Caucasus.

There are other socio-political organizations of Kumyks.

In the 1860s, the dependence of some classes on others was abolished, and representatives of the unprivileged classes were allocated land to communal rights. The Kumyks were divided into a class of landowners - owners and people. Kumyks are all Sunni Muslims. The customs and morals of the Kumyks are generally similar to the customs and morals of other Caucasian highlanders, but they do not look at customs as an inviolable shrine and easily allow deviations from them.

Approximately blood matters are arranged quite simply and easily.

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Kumiks are people in Russia who live mainly in the north and east of Dagestan, between the Terek and Uluchai rivers.

Number 422.4 thousand people (2002, inventory). They speak in Kumyk; According to the 1989 census, 99% of Kumyks were considered their native language.

Russian is spoken by 90.8% of Kumyks. Muslims are immersed in Shahi Mahabab.

They are divided into middle, northern and southern groups.

K. Middle (Buinaksk) Kumyks were included in the Tarkovsky Shemkhalate, since in 1867 - in the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky district (Pushkinsky Budaksky 1923) in Dagestan. Northern (Khasaviurty, Zasulak) Kumyks live on the Kumyk Plain between Terek and Sulak.

At the end of the 16th - beginning of the 17th century, part of the Kumyk patrimony, separated from the Tarkovsky Shamkhalate and Endireevskoe Khanate, was formed at the end of the 17th century and split into Endireevskoe, Aksaevskoe Kostekovskoe and the time kept Ulla-Bis.

In 1860 we entered Kumyk, in 1871 - into the Khasavyurt Terek region. Southern (Kaitag) Kumyks, included in the Kaitag ulsmiystvo, since 1860 - in the Kaitag-Tabasaran region (1928 Kaitag canton, 1929 - remote).

47% of Kumyks live in cities (Makhachkala, Buynaksk, Khasavyurt, etc.). According to the census in 1926, there were 94.5 thousand people.

Traditional culture is characteristic of the peoples of the Caucasus (see Article Asia).

History of Kumyks

They are engaged in the production of agricultural products (wheat, barley, millet, rice, cotton, corn, corn), gardening, viticulture.

Bread was exported to other regions of the Caucasus, and from the 18th century moraines were supplied to factories in St. Petersburg. In the 18th century, corn was sown (its seeds were brought by pilgrims to Dagestan, who committed themselves, so the name Kumyk was called Khadzhi).

We used polygon irrigation, land irrigation. They raised cattle, sheep and goats, horses (mainly Turkish steppe and Karachay mountain breeds), sericulture, fishing, beekeeping, salt production, trade (including Persia, Armenia, Azerbaijan), glazed pottery, copper utensils, weapons and firearms, cotton and silk fabrics, goods, saws and smooth (dum, ruby) carpets, jewelry, saddlery and other crafts.

The main craft centers are Tarki, Kazanistan, Endirai and Aksai; in Zasulak Kumykidzhi they felt and felt.

Traditional women's clothing - T-shirts, trousers (shalbar) or wide trousers, skirt (the same) dress - Swing (buzma, headband, arsar) with kleshonoy wing and folding arms or closed with a slit (Polshi) or inserted into the chest (KABALAN, osetinler ), with metal.

dog (kamal), bag for sachet (chutkuu). Until the 19th century, the surviving associated associations (Taipei, Kavum, jeans), the division into classes of Shamkhalov (the name Shamkhalo is passed on from father to eldest son, and older age of all species), Krymshamkhalov (Shamkhal heir), Bolsheviks, Karachay- beks (Karachi beks) hunks, nobles (Uzden fats or Ulla-Uzden, dogerek-Uzden simple Uzden) dependent farmers (Chagari molecules) freedmen (Azat), household slaves (up to 1,868 years).

It was atalivo, kunachestvo, neighboring help (roll, ortak). A system of expressions of Turkish affiliation with elements of the Caucasus: the bifurcation-linear principle is combined with descriptive constructions for patriarchal relatives.

The Omaha generating type and the current generational accounting characteristic of foreign objects are lost. Families are divided by gender.

Islam spread in Kumykia from the 8th to the 12th century. There are traces of the cult of the highest god Tengir, belief in demonic creatures, cosmogonic and etiological legends, fairy tales (emaklar) and others.

© Great Russian Encyclopedia (GRE)

• Gasanov G.

  A. Kumyk dyes in saryns. M., 1955

• Kumyk songs // Dagestan folk songs. M., 1959
• Agagishieva Z.

  Some information about the musical music of the Kumyks // History of Dagestan. Makhachkala, 1976

• Umakhanova A.M. Choreographic art of Kumyk. Makhachkala, 1991
• Adzhiev A.

  M. Oral folk art of kumys. Makhachkala, 2005

• Gadzhieva S. Sh. Kumyks: historical past, culture, way of life. Makhachkala, 2005

Chesnokov Alexey Nikolaevich

editor

Tarki-Tau is a natural monument, a unique mountain, standing apart from a huge mountain monolith. There are legends and myths about it. On its plateau and slopes there are many sacred places, ziyarat - Valikyz pir, Kyrkyz-bulak, Loka, Kutlukyz-bulak, Sangyz, etc., highly revered by local residents. There are 542 mounds around Tarki-Tau and at its foot alone, many of which are known to residents by name.

According to legends, in the old days there was a ban on pointing a finger at Tarki-Tau.

The favorable location of the Kumyk plane between the sea and the mountains, on the one hand, contributed to the development of agriculture and animal husbandry, trade and crafts, on the other hand, it subjected the inhabitants of the plain to terrible trials by fire and sword of numerous hordes of conquerors of antiquity.

But our ancestors survived these battles, moreover, they enriched their culture and knowledge with the achievements of alien peoples and preserved their land for subsequent generations.

The Kumyks speak the Kumyk language, which has its own dialects: Buynak, Kaitag, Piedmont, Khasavyurt and Terek.

In tsarist times, the Kumyk language was studied in gymnasiums and colleges in Vladikavkaz, Stavropol, Mozdok, Kizlyar, Temir-Khan-Shura. And today, many of the older generation of Avars, Dargins, Lezgins, Laks, Tabasarans, and Chechens speak the Kumyk language.

The Kumyks have neighbors: Nogais in the north, Avars and Dargins in the west, Tabasarans and Lezgins in the south.

Before Russia’s arrival in the Caucasus, in the 18th–19th centuries, Kumyk settlements were called the Tarkov Shamkhalate, the Mehtulin Khanate, the Zasulak Kumykia - Endireevskoye, Kostekskoye and Aksayevskoye possessions, in present-day Chechnya - the Bragun principality; Southern Kumyks were part of the Kaitag Utsmiystvo.

At the beginning of the 19th century, Kumykia was annexed to Russia.

After the formation of the Dagestan region in 1860 with its center in the city of Temir-Khan-Shura, local feudal lords: shamkhals, khans and biys were left without power.

How do the Kumyks of Dagestan live?

Instead of the previous possessions, districts were created: from the Kaitag utsmiystvo and Tabasaran the Kaitago-Tabasaran district was formed, from the Tarkov Shamkhalate, the Mehtulin Khanate and the Prisulak naibstvo - the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky district of the Dagestan region; On the territory of the Endireevsky, Aksaevsky and Kostek possessions, the Kumyk (later Khasa-Vyurt) district of the Terek region was formed.

Kumyks made up the main population of the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky and Khasavyurt districts.

Now more than half of the Kumyks are settled in 8 rural administrative districts of the Republic of Dagestan - Kumtorkalinsky, Karabudakhkentsky, Buynaksky, Kayakentsky, Babayurtsky, Khasavyurtsky, Kizilyurtsky, Kaitagsky.

Kumyks are the oldest inhabitants of Dagestan in the cities of Makhachkala, Buinaksk, Khasavyurt, Kizilyurt, Izberbash and Kaspiysk. Some Kumyks live in urban-type settlements: Tarki, Tyube, Leninkent, Kyakhulai, Alburikent, Shamkhal, Mana-skent.

In relatively large groups, numbering more than 22 thousand people, Kumyks live in the Gudermes and Grozny regions of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the Mozdok region of the Republic of North Ossetia - Alania. A small part of them are settled in the Stavropol Territory, the Tyumen Region of the Russian Federation, as well as in neighboring countries - Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan.

The natural world of the Kumyk plane, foothills and coast is extremely rich and diverse.

The main rivers crossing the Kumyk lands are Terek, Sulak, Shura, Ulluchay, Gamri, Manas, Aksai, Aktash. The Terek and Sulak carry water to the Caspian Sea, other rivers dry up in the summer or are completely taken apart for irrigation.

The forests are quite diverse in species composition: oak, hornbeam, beech, poplar, alder, elm, ash, walnut, cherry plum, dogwood. The predominant shrubs are medlar, rose hips, hawthorn, blackthorn, hazel (hazelnut), blackberry, and grapes.

The fauna of Kumykia is also diverse.

Wild boars, saigas, wolves, jackals, badgers, foxes, hares, hedgehogs, and weasels live here.

The bird world is represented by tree sparrows, pigeons, eagles, magpies, swallows, tits, ducks, geese.

In river reservoirs and the Caspian Sea there are various types of fish: sturgeon, beluga, sterlet, carp, carp, pike, kutum, bream, salmon, rudd, mullet, asp, pike perch, perch, catfish.

Fishing for herring and sprat has long been of great commercial importance here.

Unique natural monuments associated with the formation of the cultural heritage of the people require great attention from the state and the public. These include the sandy mountain Sary-Kum, Mount Tarki-Tau, Talginsky, Kayakent mineral and mud springs, Agrakhansky Bay.

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